On Tue, 5 Feb 2008, Brian Holtz wrote:

[MO]:
>whether trade with slave owners (or countries that are 
>so unfree that their citizens are virtually slaves), is 
>really "free trade". (MO

[BH]:
>We'll just have to agree to disagree over how much the 
>labor price advantages of America's trade partners are 
>due to anything remotely resembling chattel slavery.  
>I suspect this particular provision of the DFC platform 
>has more to due with demands for rent-seeking protections 
>by traditional Democratic Party constituencies, than with 
>concern for the lack of freedom of workers abroad.

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[MO]:
As a co-founder of the DFC, I assure you that the DFC's
Platform is based on two main principles: the basic 
principle of moving toward the most liberty possible; 
and doing so by means of a transition approach that is 
socially responsible and politically feasible.

So, as I mentioned, the stand on Free Trade With Free
Countries partly reflects a practical and politically
feasible transition for gradually phasing in free trade, 
whereas it is not realistic to call for suddenly doing 
it all at once, and it would also not be good for the 
economy to suddenly do so.

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The other principle involved in the Free Trade stand 
is related to the question of whether to have open trade 
with countries that are extremely unfree (such as those 
either under dictatorship or oligarchy, where their 
governments have handed over much of the industry, 
land, and natural resources to a few companies).

Contrary to some claims, it does not necessarily 
benefit most people in either country when there is 
totally open trade with a country that is under such 
unfree conditions, especially since our own country 
is far from having complete economic freedom, either.
So, it makes sense to gradually phase in free trade,
as both countries move toward more freedom.

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Probably the most clear discussion of why totally
open trade does not necessarily benefit people in
either country is still the book "Protection or
Free Trade", which Henry George wrote years ago, and
which has probably never been answered to this day.  

For example, some authors from the Cato Institute 
and others have cited that book as being a great 
argument for free trade, but they apparently didn't 
read the last third of it, which shows how people
in either country don't necessarly benefit from 
totally open trade, if neither country is anywhere
near having economic freedom.

That is a question that deserves debate, but probably
no one has been willing to try to answer the points
raised in that book.  (If anyone knows of an author
who has attempted to do so, I'd be interested to hear
about it, and would be glad to look into it.)

In any case, even if it were true that totally open 
trade with a very unfree country would be good for 
people in both countries (which is dubious, as indicated), 
it would still make more practical sense to gradually 
phase in free trade, not only because of the need for
realistic, political feasibility, but also because a 
sudden, drastic change would be economically harmful and 
irresponsible.

Mike O'Mara
Pennsylvania


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