Show where Marx states the mode of production is a set of property
relations. 
Please. 

Waistline.

^^^^^^
CB: To me it's an inference.  Capitalism is a mode of production from , for
example, "The wealth of the nations in which the CAPITALIST MODE OF
PRODUCTION PREVAILS...". And he defines capitalism by labor power as a
commodity, or the wagelabor-capital relationship. The latter relationship is
a property relation. 

Or in the _Manifesto of the Communist Party_, Engels and Marx pronounce
their goal as the "abolition of private property."


Here's an extended discussion of property:

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to
historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions. 

The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor of
bourgeois property. 

The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property
generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois
private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of
producing and appropriating products that is based on class antagonisms, on
the exploitation of the many by the few. 

In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single
sentence: Abolition of private property. 

We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right
of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labor, which
property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity
and independence. 

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property of
petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the
bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of
industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying
it daily. 

Or do you mean the modern bourgeois private property? 

But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. It
creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage labor, and
which cannot increase except upon conditions of begetting a new supply of
wage labor for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present form, is based
on the antagonism of capital and wage labor. Let us examine both sides of
this antagonism. 

To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social
STATUS in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the
united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united
action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. 

Capital is therefore not only personal; it is a social power. 

When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the
property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby
transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the
property that is changed. It loses its class character. 

Let us now take wage labor. 

The average price of wage labor is the minimum wage, i.e., that quantum of
the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to keep the laborer
in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the wage laborer
appropriates by means of his labor merely suffices to prolong and reproduce
a bare existence. We by no means intend to abolish this personal
appropriation of the products of labor, an appropriation that is made for
the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus
wherewith to command the labor of others. All that we want to do away with
is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the laborer
lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as
the interest of the ruling class requires it. 

In bourgeois society, living labor is but a means to increase accumulated
labor. In communist society, accumulated labor is but a means to widen, to
enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer. 

In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in
communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois society,
capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is
dependent and has no individuality. 

And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois,
abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition of
bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom is
undoubtedly aimed at. 

By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of production,
free trade, free selling and buying. 

But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying disappears
also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other "brave
words" of our bourgeois about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any,
only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, with the fettered
traders of the Middle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the
communist abolition of buying and selling, or the bourgeois conditions of
production, and of the bourgeoisie itself. 

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in
your existing society, private property is already done away with for
nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to
its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us,
therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary
condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the
immense majority of society. 

In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property.
Precisely so; that is just what we intend. 

>From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital, money,
or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, i.e., from the
moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois
property, into capital, from that moment, you say, individuality vanishes. 

You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other person
than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property. This person
must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible. 

Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of
society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the
labor of others by means of such appropriations. 

It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property, all work
will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us. 

According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs
through sheer idleness; for those who acquire anything, do not work. The
whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology: There
can no longer be any wage labor when there is no longer any capital. 

All objections urged against the communistic mode of producing and
appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged against
the communistic mode of producing and appropriating intellectual products.
Just as to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the
disappearance of production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is
to him identical with the disappearance of all culture. 

That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority, a
mere training to act as a machine. 

But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of
bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom,
culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions
of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your
jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will
whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical
conditions of existence of your class. 

The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of
nature and of reason the social forms stringing from your present mode of
production and form of property -- historical relations that rise and
disappear in the progress of production -- this misconception you share with
every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case
of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are
of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of
property







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