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The Globe and Mail (Ottawa/Quebec Edition) 
28 Feb 2017 
 
ERIC REGULY EUROPEAN BUREAU CHIEF ereg...@globeandmail.com

In spite of Brexit, the rise of Marine Le Pen and her armies of Euroskeptics, 
and the threat of Donald Trump-inspired trade wars, the euro zone – if not on 
fire – is chugging along rather nicely. Well, most of the euro zone. Greece is 
the glaring exception.

In the euro zone as a whole, annualized growth, at 2 per cent, is stronger than 
that of the United States. On Monday, we learned that the European economic 
sentiment indicator was at its highest level since the height of the crisis, 
while loan growth to households was up 2.2 per cent in January, year on year. 
Companies are hiring again.

And Greece? While not all of the economic numbers are dire, most are, and the 
big one – gross domestic product – is going in reverse again. According to 
Elstat, the Greek statistics office, GDP shrank 0.4 per cent in the last 
quarter of 2016 compared with the previous quarter. The economy is shedding 
jobs again and the banks’ tally of non-performing loans is climbing.

Nine years after the financial crisis that mutated at lightning speed into the 
debt crisis that sank Greece, the country is still under water. On Monday, the 
bailout monitors from the European Union and the International Monetary Fund 
parachuted into Athens to figure out what Greece needs to do to hit its fiscal 
surplus targets and qualify for bailout funding that would allow the government 
to make a €7-billion ($9.7-billion) debt payment in July.

Greece doesn’t need more austerity to qualify for more debt to make payments on 
debt that it can’t afford to repay – even the IMF agrees that Greece’s debt has 
become unsustainable. Greece needs a massive debt reduction or it needs to exit 
the euro – Grexit – with the latter looking increasingly attractive.

To be sure, the crisis that led to Greece’s collapse was largely 
self-inflicted, but the pain has gone on way too long and both sides are at 
breaking point. Greece seems to be the embodiment of Albert Einstein’s 
definition of insanity: doing the same thing over and over again and expecting 
different results. The endless cycle of austerity and bailout loans has been a 
catastrophe.

By now, 18 years after the introduction of the euro, it is clear that the 
common currency has been manna from heaven for only one country – Germany – 
moderately successful for several others, including the Netherlands, and a 
disaster for the Mediterranean countries, notably Greece, Portugal and Italy. 
The euro has acted as a devalued German mark, turning Germany into an export 
juggernaut.

Italy’s per-capita GDP has actually fallen by 0.4 per cent since 1999, 
according to calculations made by Bloomberg based on Eurostat figures. That’s 
why the Five Star Movement, the main Italian opposition party that is polling 
roughly equally with the centre-left Democratic Party, has vowed to hold a 
referendum on the euro if it wins the next election.

Greece’s experience with the euro has been miserable because it deprived the 
country of the traditional economic shock absorber – currency devaluation – 
giving Greece no choice but to inflict a direct devaluation on its citizens. 
That meant austerity – lower salaries, pensions and overall government 
spending, and higher taxes. As the economy lost more than a quarter of its 
output, investment euros and dollars fled, banks had to be propped up and 
capital controls put in place.

How much of Greece’s misery can blamed on the euro? A lot. We can deduce this 
by comparing Greece’s post-crisis recovery (or lack thereof) to the recoveries 
of other countries that went through their own crises at various times in 
recent decades, among them Turkey, Thailand, Indonesia, Argentina and Brazil. 
They all recovered, often strongly – no pain, no gain. Greece did not. Its pain 
is intact, its gain elusive.

According to IMF figures, the Greek economy boomed in both real terms and 
dollar-denominated terms in the pre-crisis years, when money was cheap and 
Greece was able to sell outlandish amounts of bonds with apparently no fear 
that its debt would become unsustainable. Greek governments had fudged the 
numbers for years, and the crisis exposed the sham that was Greece’s economy. 
Between 2007 and 2013, Greece’s real GDP per capita fell 26 per cent. The other 
crisis-struck countries experienced an average downturn of only 12 per cent.

As the Financial Times noted recently, on average, the economies of Turkey, 
Thailand, Indonesia, Argentina and Brazil outperformed Greece by an astounding 
40 percentage points in the nine years after their own crises. Their relative 
outperformance is almost certainly due to currency depreciation. Unlike Greece, 
those countries did not see their consumption and investment spending get 
slaughtered, and their devalued currencies boosted exports.

What should Greece have done? In 2010, when it received the first of its three 
bailouts, its debt – now at a crushing 180 per cent of GDP – should have 
undergone a massive restructuring. Or it should have left the euro. German 
Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble recently said Greece would have to exit the 
euro if it wanted a debt “haircut,” an apparent suggestion that Grexit is not 
unthinkable even though the European Central Bank insists the euro is 
irreversible.

Grexit probably would be economically gruesome. But what’s worse – another 
decade of misery, or a lot of pain now for the opportunity to use currency 
devaluation to restore growth?



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