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David Walters writes: 
>  I don't believe that Joseph Green understands very much about the theory
> of Permanent Revolution.

David, you don't give your definition of permanent revolution, and contrast 
it to how I have described permanent revolution. You don't even show how your 
view of PR is different from that of the Trotskyist groups whose views on PR 
I have quoted in my articles. Indeed, as far as I can see, we have similar 
views on what permanent revolution means: we differ on whether we agree with 
PR, and with our assessment of what has happened in different countries 
around the world. You are entitled to your opinion of course. But unless you 
provide some evidence that you, as opposed to the rest of the Trotskyist 
movement, such as all the Trotskyist groups that I have cited in my articles 
on the Arab Spring, are wrong about PR, I don't see how you can expect your 
assertions about PR to carry much weight.

> It is, as a  theory (and a programmatic perspective) 
> proven by negative example all the time,

Although I don't believe that is true, I think the fact that you make this 
assertion verifies that I have been quite accurate about the meaning of 
Trotsky's permanent revolution. PR really does assert that every democratic 
struggle in the present that does not achieve workers' power will have 
accomplished nothing. That's why, David, you can regard PR as verified by 
failures of the one democratic struggle after another. (Another important 
issue is whether these struggles really were all total failures or whether it 
is rather that democratic struggles and national independence don't live up 
to the exaggerated standard you set for them. Is it really true, for example, 
that  India really has only "formal" independence? But I leave that point for 
next time.)

What a miserable perspective this verification of PR by negative example 
would be for the Arab Spring. In order for Trotskyist groups to say anything 
about what activists should do in these struggles, they would have to imagine 
that they could lead to workers' power (indeed, workers' power on a regional 
scale). Otherwise all PR could say about these struggles is that they were 
fated to be negative examples. All it could say would be -- you will 
struggle, and sacrifice, and see your friends and relatives die, but you will 
accomplish nothing.

And in fact, a number of Trotskyist organizations explicitly stated that the 
struggles of the Arab Spring were doomed unless they obtained workers' power 
(or even regional workers' power). Those who have been defending PR want to 
forget what was said in 2011.

Meanwhile, as this thread on the list has continued, additional defenses of 
PR have been posted on other threads on this list. But I think they manifest 
the problems with PR that I have been talking about.

 Andrew Pollock posted a link to a series of article by Neil Davidson 
onTrotsky's theory of uneven and combined development. 
(https://rs21testblog.files.wordpress.com/2017/03/uneven-and-combined-deve l 
opment-modernity-modernism-revolution.pd

On page 3 of Davidson's work he writes: 

"The working class...could accomplish the revolution against the  
pre-capitalist state which the bourgeois itself was no longer prepared to 
undertake and -- in Trotsky's version of permanent revolution at any rate -- 
move directly to the construction of socialism, provided of course that it 
occurred within the context of a successful *international* revoltuionary 
movement..." (emphasis as in the original)

Now the Arab Spring did *not* occur in the context of a socialist  
revolutionary wave throughout the world. On the contrary, it has occurred in 
a very difficult period for the world working class. So the conclusion would 
be that all that is left is to be a negative example. It's the inevitable 
conclusion whether Davidson himself draws it or not.  And I think this 
conclusion, stated or not, is one of the things that lies behind the fact 
that there is no discussion  anywhere in the 91-page PDF of Davidson's 
article of the tasks of revolutionary socialists in the situation of a 
democratic struggle where there is no possibility of "mov(ing) directly to 
the construction of socialism". 

Now, Davidson does mention of the Egyptian struggle. He even says that "the 
Egyptian revolution has been the most important of the contemporary social 
explosions". But there is no discussion about what the socialists and 
class-conscious activists should have done in this revolution, or whether we 
can learn from what they did in this revolution. Even though Davidson's 
series of articles extends right up to the present, there is no mention of 
such things as the group following permanent revolution, the Revolutionary 
Socialists. And there isn't even mention of the Muslim Brotherhood.

So Davidson's magnum opus is another example that PR is useless for giving 
any proper orientation to the mass struggle and the building of a 
revolutionary trend. However, Davidson doesn't want to come across as 
pessimistic, so while he says that the Egyptian revolution was "defeated", he 
doesn't call it a negative example.

Meanwhile Louis Proyect has posted a long article criticizing Lenin's view of 
democratic revolution in favor of PR. It's entitled "The revolutionary 
democratic-dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry? Say what?" In 
this article, Proyect, who had written a few days earlier in reply to me that 
he didn't "know what 'according to the permanent revolution' means. Trotsky 
didn't write a formula", now recalls what Trotsky's formula was. Bravo! 
That's progress...of a sort! (Except that now he doesn't know what the 
meaning of the theory of the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the 
proletariat and peasantry really is.) 

Proyect writes

> To reduce the theory of Permanent Revolution to its essentials, 
> it boils down to the need for a proletarian revolution to achieve 
> the historical goals of the bourgeois revolution such as 
> the breakup of feudal estates, the elimination of clerical domination
> over society, constitutional rights such as a free press and the right 
> of assembly, and the assumption of "Enlightenment values" in general.
> These are the obvious gains of the British and French 
>  bourgeois revolutions that were emulated to one degree or another
> in Western Europe in the 19th century.

But if that's what PR is, then it says nothing about what to do in situations 
like the Arab Spring, where the movement is not going to reach the stage of 
proletarian revolution. In recent decades, there has been one democratic 
struggle after another which neither reached the stage of proletarian 
revolution, nor had the sweep of the great democratic revolutions of the 
past. What should be done in that case? Just lecture repeatedly that nothing 
is going to be accomplished? Pretend that the struggle will reach proletarian 
revolution? Forget about PR until it's time to write an article about the 
debates of the early 20th century?

Proyect concentrates on the famous debate between Trotskyism and Leninism on 
whether democratic and socialist revolutions have a different social 
character, and he seeks to refute Lars Lih's comments about the history of 
the Bolshevik Party. I don't agree with either him or Lars Lih,  but there's 
another problem with Proyect's article in my view. Isn't it a bit strange 
that a detailed article  over the social nature of revolution, written in 
2017 in the midst of a  bitter struggle over the Syrian uprising, says 
nothing about the relationship of the theoretical debates to the Arab Spring 
and the Syrian uprising? If these debates were really so irrelevant that they 
don't apply, then why bother with them?   I appreciate Louis's support for 
the Syrian uprising in other articles, and the role which his Marxism list 
plays in providing much information of use to the defense of the Syrian 
uprising. Those things are a service to the left movement. But I think it's 
incredible that a debate over the nature of revolution, and the relationship 
of democratic and socialist struggles, is silent concerning the wave of 
democratizations that has swept the world for the so long. Is theory simply a 
luxury, detached from what's going on?

 To be continued.




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