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NY Times, June 4 2017
Last Secret’ of 1967 War: Israel’s Doomsday Plan for Nuclear Display
By WILLIAM J. BROAD and DAVID E. SANGER
Israeli armored forces advanced against Egyptian troops at the start of
the Arab-Israeli war of 1967. Credit Shabtai Tal/GPO, via Getty Images
On the eve of the Arab-Israeli war, 50 years ago this week, Israeli
officials raced to assemble an atomic device and developed a plan to
detonate it atop a mountain in the Sinai Peninsula as a warning to
Egyptian and other Arab forces, according to an interview with a key
organizer of the effort that will be published Monday.
The secret contingency plan, called a “doomsday operation” by Itzhak
Yaakov, the retired brigadier general who described it in the interview,
would have been invoked if Israel feared it was going to lose the 1967
conflict. The demonstration blast, Israeli officials believed, would
intimidate Egypt and surrounding Arab states — Syria, Iraq and Jordan —
into backing off.
Israel won the war so quickly that the atomic device was never moved to
Sinai. But Mr. Yaakov’s account, which sheds new light on a clash that
shaped the contours of the modern Middle East conflict, reveals Israel’s
early consideration of how it might use its nuclear arsenal to preserve
itself.
“It’s the last secret of the 1967 war,” said Avner Cohen, a leading
scholar of Israel’s nuclear history who conducted many interviews with
the retired general.
Mr. Yaakov, who oversaw weapons development for the Israeli military,
detailed the plan to Dr. Cohen in 1999 and 2000, years before he died in
2013 at age 87.
“Look, it was so natural,” said Mr. Yaakov, according to a transcription
of a taped interview. “You’ve got an enemy, and he says he’s going to
throw you to the sea. You believe him.”
“How can you stop him?” he asked. “You scare him. If you’ve got
something you can scare him with, you scare him.”
Israel has never acknowledged the existence of its nuclear arsenal, in
an effort to preserve “nuclear ambiguity” and forestall periodic calls
for a nuclear-free Middle East. In 2001, Mr. Yaakov was arrested, at age
75, on charges that he had imperiled the country’s security by talking
about the nuclear program to an Israeli reporter, Ronen Bergman, whose
work was censored. At various moments, American officials, including
former President Jimmy Carter long after he left office, have
acknowledged the existence of the Israeli program, though they have
never given details.
A spokesman for the Israeli Embassy in Washington said the Israeli
government would not comment on Mr. Yaakov’s role.
If the Israeli leadership had detonated the atomic device, it would have
been the first nuclear explosion used for military purposes since the
United States’ attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 22 years earlier.
The plan had a precedent: The United States considered the same thing
during the Manhattan Project, as the program’s scientists hotly debated
whether to set off a blast near Japan in an effort to scare Emperor
Hirohito into a quick surrender. The military vetoed the idea, convinced
that it would not be enough to end the war.
According to Mr. Yaakov, the Israeli plan was code-named Shimshon, or
Samson, after the biblical hero of immense strength. Israel’s nuclear
deterrence strategy has long been called the “Samson option” because
Samson brought down the roof of a Philistine temple, killing his enemies
and himself. Mr. Yaakov said he feared that if Israel, as a last resort,
went ahead with the demonstration nuclear blast in Egyptian territory,
it could have killed him and his commando team.
Dr. Cohen, a professor at the Middlebury Institute of International
Studies at Monterey in California and the author of “Israel and the
Bomb” and “The Worst-Kept Secret,” described the idea behind the atomic
demonstration as giving “the prime minister an ultimate option if
everything else failed.” Dr. Cohen, who was born in Israel and educated
in part in the United States, has pushed the frontiers of public
discourse on a fiercely hidden subject: how Israel became an
unacknowledged nuclear power in the 1960s.
On Monday, the Nuclear Proliferation International History Project of
the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington —
where Dr. Cohen is a global fellow — is releasing on a special website a
series of documents related to the atomic plan. The project maintains a
digital archive of his work known as the Avner Cohen Collection.
(President Trump’s proposed budget calls for the elimination of all
federal funding for the center, which Congress created as a living
memorial to Wilson.)
It has long been known that Israel, fearful for its existence, rushed to
complete its first atomic device on the eve of the Arab-Israeli war. But
the planned demonstration remained secret in a country where it is taboo
to discuss even half-century-old nuclear plans, and where fears persist
that Iran will eventually obtain a nuclear weapon, despite its deal with
world powers.
Shimon Peres, the former Israeli president and prime minister who died
last year, hinted at the plan’s existence in his memoirs. He referred to
an unnamed proposal that “would have deterred the Arabs and prevented
the war.”
At the time of the 1967 war, the world’s main nuclear powers were
observing an accord known as the Partial Test Ban Treaty. To curb
radiation hazards, it prohibited all test detonations of nuclear arms
except for those conducted underground. That Israel considered an open
explosion was a measure of its desperation.
“The goal,” Mr. Yaakov says on the transcribed tape, “was to create a
new situation on the ground, a situation which would force the great
powers to intervene, or a situation which would force the Egyptians to
stop and say, ‘Wait a minute, we didn’t prepare for that.’ The objective
was to change the picture.”
Dr. Cohen said he struck up a relationship with Mr. Yaakov after he
published “Israel and the Bomb” in 1998. He interviewed him for hours in
the summer and fall of 1999 and in early 2000, always in Hebrew and
mainly in Midtown Manhattan, where the former general lived.
Those interviews paint a picture of Israel’s recognition in the early
1960s that it needed a crash program to get the bomb. In 1963, Mr.
Yaakov, a freshly minted colonel with engineering degrees from the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and from Technion, the Israel
Institute of Technology, became the senior liaison officer between the
Israel Defense Forces and the country’s civilian defense units,
including the project to make an atom bomb.
As Mr. Yaakov recounted the story, in May 1967, as tensions rose with
Egypt over its decision to close the Straits of Tiran between the Gulf
of Aqaba and the Red Sea, he was half a world away, visiting the RAND
Corporation in California. He was suddenly summoned back to Israel. With
it clear that war was imminent, Mr. Yaakov said, he initiated, drafted
and promoted a plan aimed at detonating a nuclear device in the sparsely
populated Eastern Sinai Desert in a display of force.
The site chosen for the proposed explosion was a mountaintop about 12
miles from an Egyptian military complex at Abu Ageila, a critical
crossroads where, on June 5, Ariel Sharon commanded Israeli troops in a
battle against the Egyptians. (Mr. Sharon later became prime minister,
and died in 2014.)
The plan, if activated by order of the prime minister and military chief
of staff, was to send a small paratrooper force to divert the Egyptian
Army in the desert area so that a team could lay preparations for the
atomic blast. Two large helicopters were to land, deliver the nuclear
device and then create a command post in a mountain creek or canyon. If
the order came to detonate, the blinding flash and mushroom cloud would
have been seen throughout the Sinai and Negev Deserts, and perhaps as
far away as Cairo.
It is impossible to know what the extent of any casualties might have
been. That would have depended on such unknowns as the size of the
weapon, the population density of the region and the direction of the
wind on the day of the detonation.
Mr. Yaakov described a helicopter reconnaissance flight he made with
Israel Dostrovsky, the first director general of the Israel Atomic
Energy Commission, the civilian arm of the bomb program. The helicopter
had to turn back after the pilots learned that Egyptian jets were taking
off, perhaps to intercept them. “We got very close,” Mr. Yaakov
recalled. “We saw the mountain, and we saw that there is a place to hide
there, in some canyon.”
On the eve of the war, Mr. Yaakov said, he was filled with the same
doubts that had gnawed at the American scientists during the Manhattan
Project. Would the bomb explode? Would he survive the blast?
He never got to find out. Israel defeated three Arab armies, gained
territory four times its original size and became the region’s foremost
military power using conventional arms.
Nonetheless, Mr. Yaakov continued to lobby for an atomic demonstration
to make clear the country’s new status as a nuclear power. But the idea
went nowhere. “I still think to this day that we should have done it,”
he told Dr. Cohen.
During a visit to Israel, a year after telling his story to Dr. Cohen in
New York, where he had worked as a venture capitalist after having
played a key role in the founding of Israel’s technology industry, Mr.
Yaakov was arrested on charges of “high espionage” that carried a
maximum penalty of life behind bars. The exact charges were a mystery,
and he was put on a secret trial.
“We see this as a very sad story of a person who dedicates his life to
the security of Israel and ends up caught in a huge story that gets
blown out of proportion and jeopardizes his reputation, his career, his
legacy, everything,” Jack Chen, one of his lawyers, told The New York
Times at the time.
It turned out that the charges centered on his conversations with the
Israeli reporter, whose account of the 1967 plan was censored by the
military. Mr. Yaakov was found guilty of handing over secret information
without authorization, the lesser of the charges against him. He was
given a two-year suspended sentence.
The Israeli newspaper Haaretz, in its obituary of Mr. Yaakov, said he
had never fully recovered from his legal ordeal and, during his final
days, bitterly discussed its details with fellow retired officers.
Dr. Cohen said he and Mr. Yaakov continued to get together long after
the interviews and the secret trial — for instance, in a restaurant in
Tel Aviv around 2009. He said he had promised Mr. Yaakov he would find
the right time and the right place to make his story public. Now, he
said, on the 50th anniversary of the war — with Mr. Yaakov and so many
other witnesses long dead — it seemed like the right time.
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