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As always thanks for posting this, Lou. What immediately strikes me about
it, now, is that none of this apples to the Democratic Party in the
States.  By that I mean that if I lived in the UK I would be in Momentum.
That would be a decision taken without illusions. But I would never, not
ever, join the Democratic Party.


Will post more on this.

comradely

Gary



On Sat, Nov 25, 2017 at 7:13 AM, Louis Proyect via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

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> It is the internal dynamic of this socialism which constitutes the second
> basic problem of the Labourist movement. We have already seen the elements
> found within it, and their relationship. In the Labour Party, Fabianism
> became the dominant, right-wing leadership tradition, the source of the
> ideas governing most of the action of the party. Its leaders were all to be
> either avowed Fabians (Attlee, Gaitskell) or implicit Fabians, whatever
> their apparent background and orientation (Macdonald, Henderson, Lansbury).
> The Independent Labour Party became the Labour left wing, in chronic
> instinctive protest against the leadership but intellectually subordinated
> to it and incapable of effectively replacing it. Labourism, therefore,
> acquired from the beginning a peculiarly weak left. This is, in a sense,
> the intimate tragedy of Labourism—for the left has always expressed the
> most vital working-class elements, the most active and genuine socialist
> forces potentially able to develop their own hegemony over party and State.
> But expressing them in the fashion and under the conditions indicated, the
> Labour left has really completely frustrated these forces, putting them at
> the disposition of the right-wing reformists. It has been unable even to
> seriously influence the leadership, except under rare circumstances and
> momentarily. Hence, the Fabian-inspired leadership tradition, permanently
> supported by the trade unions, could acquire a great stability and
> continuity—a kind of dynasty, in fact, with its own characteristic internal
> procedures of recruitment and co-ordination, almost independent of the
> party in general. And this permanent, organic power in its turn of course
> obstructed any farther real evolution of the left wing—it is as if the
> Independent Labour Party tradition, which was apparently the beginning of a
> real British mass socialist party, was paralysed by entry into the matrix
> of Labourism and the conditions it found therein. Hardie and the other ILP
> leaders anticipated that they would be able to rapidly convert the Labour
> Party to socialism, their socialism. Instead, the conditions of Labourism,
> and their own weakness, transformed them into a mere permanent opposition,
> always urging the Labour Party to move left and always unable to make it
> move, only half conscious of their own position and its true meaning,
> unable to act within Labourism but unable to see any alternative to
> Labourism, oppressed by Fabian triviality and timidity but with no workable
> alternative to offer—such was the result of the ‘short cut’ to socialism
> which Labourism had seemed to represent. Such was the paradox of
> Labourism—the distinctive form of socialism which arose out of British
> conditions, and in effect prevented any farther socialist evolution from
> taking place.
>
> Tom Nairn, "The Nature of the British Labour Party part 1", NLR Sept.-Oct.
> 1964
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