*Attacking dissent has long been a feature of reactionary power. The
attackers popularize a fear of dissenters and of even a whiff of association
with dissent.  And that fear serves to bury any consideration of the
interests pursued and protected by  reactionary state power, and of the
policies of the state.**  It is a old script.  Will the Joseph McCarthy's of
India, and throughout the world,  succeed **today**? Can the people who
care, dare to treat this as a spectator sport, or do we need to take a
stand?*

**
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*http://www.tehelka.com/story_main44.asp?filename=Ws130310MayYou.asp*

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*
*
*‘May You Live in Interesting Times’*
*The Maoists and Us*
*
*
*Could the cry of “Maoist terrorists” be the Congress led UPA governmet’s
equivalent of the cry of “Islamic terrorists” during the BJP led NDA
government? — asks** PK Vijayan*
*
*
On 20th February, the *Hindustan Times*, reporting on the chargesheet
produced by the Delhi Police against Kobad Ghandy, stated that Ghandy was
alleged to have been in direct contact with GN Sai Baba, a professor in
Delhi University, and who is alleged to be in control of the CPI (Maoist)’s
tactical counter offensive against Operation Greenhunt. Reporting on the
same chargesheet, on the same date, the *Times of India* reported the
investigators’ claim that civil rights groups like the PUDR and PUCL were
actively helping the Maoists to spread their base; while *Mail Today* stated
that there was an active Maoist operation amongst Delhi University students,
specifically identifying the Democratic Students Union (DSU). Elaborating on
this same chargesheet report the next day, the *HT* adds that a prominent
research scholar and a human rights activist have been specifically
identified by Ghandy as Maoist leaders in the capital, although they are not
named by the newspaper. Interestingly, each of these details appears only in
the particular newspaper mentioned, and not in any of the other papers: like
the blind men and the elephant, it is as if each has ‘found’ something
unique in the chargesheet, that characterises the contents of that document
– but unlike the blind men in the story, who after all are each seeking to
describe the same beast but end up describing only the part that they sense,
these newspapers presumably all have access to the same ‘beast’ in its
entirety (i.e., the chargesheet), but have chosen to report only on specific
– but different – aspects of the extensive Maoist network that it alleges
exists in Delhi. What, we may ask, is going on?


 Very simply, if each newspaper reports on any one branch of this alleged
Maoist network, each will have apparently reported something unique;
further, each newspaper’s readership will have been made aware of one
crucial way in which the Maoist ‘menace’ is apparently already in their
neighbourhood, and spreading like a virus. But the total effect of all the
reports is the imaging of a hydra, a Ravana, a many-headed monster conceived
in the savage and distant tribal terrains of Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh and
Orissa, and that is now slouching towards the safe cosmopolitan world of the
NCR to be born. What is most disturbing in this picture – which would be
fantastically ridiculous if it were not so dangerous – is that the heads of
this monster that have been identified in the newspapers are intellectuals,
civil rights bodies and university student organisations: the classic sites
of dissent in any free society. In other words, Operation Green Hunt (or
OGH) is no longer just ‘out there’, but is now itself slouching around in
the NCR: dissent towards OGH is gradually itself being targeted under OGH.


Troublingly, sections of the press appear to be participating – wittingly or
unwittingly – in this urbanisation of OGH. The fact is that if each of these
papers had presented all that the others had also reported, the larger
picture would have been self-evident, the elephant would have stood revealed
as the state preparing to trample on intellectual dissent. One does not need
to be particularly gifted visually or intellectually to see the connection
between intellectuals, university students and civil rights activists. Every
modern state has sought to control these sections of its society – and
usually the press too – precisely because they have always been sources of
political discomfort. When the press decides to go along with the state, or
confines itself to being the voice of the state, it must ring a bell for us
– in this case a very loud alarm bell, that tolls the names of Joseph
Goebbels, over and over again. The question before us is, did the newspapers
noted above choose to remain blind men? Or were their reporters deliberately
fed partial information by the police, to ensure that the fear of the Maoist
virus spreading would be treated as a ‘real’ threat, and not be perceived
for what it patently is: a strategy for clamping down on any questioning of
the government’s armed offensive against large populations of its own
citizenry, in the name of cleansing the Maoist ‘infection’? Even if it was
the latter, it was and is incumbent on any press worth its name – as another
important site of dissent in any free society – to have sought out the
information in its entirety, before rushing to press. Otherwise, in true
Goebbelsian fashion, it will simply be blindly repeating the lies, over and
over again, till the lies become the truth.


That this did not happen, for whatever reason, is closely related to another
issue, which is the absence in the mainstream press and media in general, of
any real understanding of or interest in the anxieties and apprehensions
that OGH has given rise to, and of the consequent concern over it. This
anxiety and concern has been emanating from several very diverse quarters,
and essentially pertains to whether it is appropriate for the state to take
arms against its own citizenry. Very few of these voices may be considered
even remotely sympathetic to the Maoist cause; several of them have
explicitly, repeatedly and sometimes even vehemently spoken against it.
Irrespective of their take on Maosim, however, these voices have focused on
the fact that OGH is an operation that is unconstitutional, violative of
fundamental human rights and pretty evidently underway in order to further
the interests of big corporate investments in the ‘infested’ areas. They
have repeatedly sought to point out that the perceived ‘infestation’
actually constitutes the local tribal populations living there. If large
sections of the tribal populations in these areas – threatened with
displacement, destitution and/or violent death at the hands of big-money
private armies and/or the state’s own military and paramilitary apparatus –
should choose to resist this apparently inexorable process of internal
colonisation, sometimes violently, then should we in Delhi be surprised?
Delhi’s denizens are now world-famous for resorting to fists, lathis and the
odd baseball bat on what might be considered the slightest provocation: it
might be a neighbour parking his car in my space, or another’s washing
hanging over my balcony – our sense of our space as sacred is powerful.
Then, when the tribal – for whom it is not parking space but her very
livelihood, history and future that are being stolen with her land – decides
to protest, should we not be stirred by sympathy? If we are not, we need to
wonder why we are not. And at least part of the reason for that is because
we have been buying into the Goebbelsian lies of the state: that these
tribal movements are all controlled and managed by Naxals/Maoists; or that
the tribals are actually being coerced by Maoists; or that there are no
tribals, only Maoists. That these are people fighting for rights sanctioned
to them under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, is a fact that gets
drowned in all the noise.


 The Indian state – which is thus explicitly enjoined by the Constitution
(among other documents) to protect the social and economical interests of
tribals in these scheduled areas – is financially and politically too deeply
invested in the project of clearing these areas and making them accessible
to corporate exploitation, to acknowledge this. It would lose legitimacy and
become a global scandal. Or it would simply reveal what most states under
this stage of capitalism are doing. Hence the extended exercise of labelling
all tribals protesting its actions ‘Maoist’; all intellectual and civil
rights attempts to dissuade it, ‘Maoist sympathisers’; and all dissent in
general is increasingly being viewed as ‘terrorist’. This, as will be easily
recognised, has long been the hallmark of McCarthyism. And as with that form
of political repression, no doubt a chain of arrests will be initiated based
on ostensible ‘confessions’, beginning with Kobad Ghandy’s, and spreading
out in a network that will be produced as Maoist, with no way of knowing if
it actually is.



 It is particularly instructive that Joseph McCarthy’s strategy of labelling
all dissent ‘communist’ arose at a time when the capitalist economy of the
United States was, post-Depression, impatiently seeking to lose the shackles
of Franklin Roosevelt’s socially oriented New Deal policies. Thus, any
policy that carried even a whiff of being social-welfarist was immediately
branded communist and dumped, and its proponents attacked socially,
politically and legally.



 The parallels are clear with our own context: we live, as the old Chinese
curse goes, in interesting times – when our own capitalism is kicking with
impatience at obstacles to (irony of ironies!) ‘economic reforms’; when its
increasing population of dollar billionaires are panting to go forth and
multiply their billions by raping the hinterlands of the country; when the
state is itself eager to role back measures like the PDS and to massively
fudge figures on poverty, even as prices of especially essential commodities
continue to escalate and farmers continue to commit suicide; when ‘Islamic
terror’ – that bogeyman that allowed the BJP to simultaneously terrorise the
Muslim community as well as steamroll its own version of economic reforms
through – has given way to the ‘red terror’ of ‘Maoism’ (after all, the
Congress can’t be seen as anti-Islamic), but to the exact same end. While
there may appear to be a kind of poetic irony in our own Chinese curse
seeming to be Maoism, the not so poetic fact is that it is not the spectre
of Maoism that haunts the land today but the multiple spectres of unbridled
corporate capitalism, state collusion with and participation in this
capitalist expansionism, the consequent and unprecedented assault on the
lives and livelihoods of millions of tribals in the ‘infected’ areas. And
the ideological cover for all this in our own brand of McCarthyism: OGH or
‘anti-Maoism’ (which is less of a mouthful than Chidambaramism, although
that would probably be a more accurate term). (We shall for now not even
touch upon the absurdity, in an ostensible democracy, of banning an
ideology, as has happened with Maoism; who or what, we might well ask, even
if we do not subscribe to this ideology, is being sought to be protected by
this ban?) The Indian state is, it seems, learning well from Joseph Goebbels
and Joseph McCarthy; perhaps it will very soon look to Joseph Stalin’s Great
Purge too. And it seems, the first to be purged from the metropolises will
be the nuisances identified above: inconvenient intellectuals, university
students and civil rights activists who will all be identified as ‘Maoists’
(never mind that they may actually be socialists, Gandhians,
environmentalists or other such ‘beasts’) and removed from ‘shining India’.
And once the intellectuals and activists and students are disposed of, Mr. P
(Joseph?) Chidambaram will no doubt find an able ally in Mr. Kapil Sibal, to
ensure that they do not surface again – for the latter as we know, is
already working hard to dismantle the higher education system and sack it
off to private and foreign institutional interests – but that is another
tale. Suffice it for now to reiterate that, thanks to Mr. Chidambaram and
his ilk, we do indeed live in interesting times, and all the interest is
accumulating in the pockets of our dollar billionaires.


*P K Vijayan is *Asst. Prof., Dept. of English, Hindu College, DU
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