Comment 
 
The state is at all times an organization of violence with armed bodies of  
people enforcing a property relation, the prevailing moral and ethical 
views of  the ruling class. The state power long ago became a professional 
organization.  Marx and Engels conclusions lead to one political result; the 
organization of  the proletariat as ruling class, through taking state power. 
The capture of  state power is the task of the insurrectionary movement. 
 
Marx outlines the social function of the state that will remain in force  
after the proletariat has become ruling class. 
 
"The question then arises: What transformation will the state undergo in  
communist society? In other words, what social functions will remain in  
existence there that are analogous to present state functions? This question 
can 
 only be answered scientifically, and one does not get a flea-hop nearer to 
the  problem by a thousand-fold combination of the word 'people' with the 
word  'state'. 
 
Between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the  
revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this 
is 
 also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but 
the  revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat." 
 
_http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch04.htm_ 
(http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch04.htm)  
 
For Marxists every class rule is a "dictatorship of a class" without regard 
 to the form of political liberty or the mode of distribution, i.e., ones  
entitlement to shares of the social product based on property relation. 
 
Dictatorship of the proletariat (without quotes), was a vague  
indecipherable concept to the people and classes within the Russian state -  
workers, 
peasants and soldiers, until they came to understand it during their  1917 
capture of state power and then civil war. Our proletariat will come to  
understand that the dictatorship of a class means "we rule" - the proletariat,  
or 
the enemy capitalist class rule. 
 

II. Trade Unionism 
 
"(T) He struggle for a wage increase of five kopeks on the ruble,  
"recognised the embryonic class struggle." 
 
"Marxism recognises a class struggle  . . . . in the most significant  
thing in politics-the organisation of state power." 
 
Lenin 
 
The struggle for wages ("a wage increase of five kopeks on the ruble") has  
been convoluted to mean class struggle, rather than inherent conflict -  
contradiction, between capitalist and worker. Every fight between a group of  
workers or union and employer is not the meaning of class struggle. 
 
Our experience is of trade unions being appendages of the system; its  
constitutional authority or the meaning of being an organization of mediation  
between labor and capital. Organizations of mediation preserve and reform the 
 system. It has not been uncommon for unions to be outright appendages of 
the  state and imperil policy. 
 
The character and content of our trade union movement crystallized  post  
Civil War. After the industrial bourgeoisie establishes its political  
hegemony the struggle of the proletariat is forced into channels within the  
political superstructure. Locked within the system, trade unions expressed a  
retrogressive and at times reactionary drag - fetter, on the labor movement,  
even while fighting for better wages and conditions for its members. This 
logic  was unavoidable. 
 
To counteract this retrogressive tendency and a certain bureaucratic  
stagnation, communists advanced a line of march of the trade union movement  
demanding the organization of the unorganized as vital to the health of unions. 
 
In America the trade union movement faced fundamental defeat at the "Mason 
Dixon  line" as attempting to organize Southern labor. 
 
As long as the economy did not experience a qualitative change (new  
revolution in the means of production), trade unions could and did reform  
themselves in conformity with the needs of the economy - system. Today, some  
unions possess a potential to leap outside their historic role as custodians 
for  
capital, provided they extend themselves beyond the workplace and strike 
roots  in the unorganized mass of destitute and poverty stricken proletarians.
 
Waistline 

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