Jeff Jacoby



The 'democracy president' -- not
by Jeff Jacoby
The Boston Globe
June 24, 2009
http://www.jeffjacoby.com/5766/the-democracy-president-not



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THE CHOICE PRESENTED by the democracy protests in Iran could hardly have been 
clearer. 
On one side: a brutal theocratic regime that jails and tortures its critics at 
home and is a deadly sponsor of terrorism abroad; that loudly proclaims its 
enmity for the United States and has murdered many Americans to prove it; that 
barely conceals its drive to amass a nuclear arsenal; that lusts openly for the 
annihilation of Israel; that for 30 years has pursued a far-flung Islamist 
jihad.
On the other side: throngs of Iranians calling for an end to their government's 
abuses.
With whom should America stand -- the bloody tyranny or the people opposing it? 
For most Americans the question surely answers itself, which is why both houses 
of Congress voted all but unanimously last week to condemn the Iranian 
government and support the protesters' embrace of human rights, civil 
liberties, and the rule of law.
So why was President Obama's response initially so muted and ambivalent? Why 
was he more interested in preserving "dialogue" with Iran's dictatorial rulers 
than in providing moral support for their freedom-seeking subjects? Why did it 
take him until yesterday to declare that Americans are "appalled and outraged" 
by Iran's violent crackdown and to "strongly condemn" the vicious attacks on 
peaceful dissenters?
A disconcerting answer to those questions appears in the new issue of 
Commentary, where Johns Hopkins University scholar Joshua Muravchik isolates 
the most striking feature of the young Obama administration's foreign policy: 
"its indifference to the issues of human rights and democracy."
In an essay titled "The Abandonment of Democracy," Muravchik -- the author, 
most recently, of The Next Founders: Voices of Democracy in the Middle East -- 
observes that every president since Jimmy Carter has made the advancement of 
democracy and human rights one of his foreign-policy objectives. Now, he 
writes, "this tradition has been ruptured by the Obama administration."
The rupture was telegraphed at a pre-inauguration meeting with the Washington 
Post, during which the incoming president argued that "freedom from want and 
freedom from fear" are more urgent than democracy, and that "oftentimes an 
election can just backfire" if corruption isn't fixed first. Muravchik points 
out that when Obama gave Al-Arabiya, an Arabic-language satellite channel, his 
first televised interview as president, he focused on US relations with the 
Middle East and Muslim world, yet "never mentioned democracy or human rights."
In February, Obama traveled to Camp Lejeune, N.C., to announce his timetable 
for withdrawing US troops from Iraq. His strategy, he said, was staked to the 
"clear and achievable goal" of "an Iraq that is sovereign, stable, and 
self-reliant." But other than a glancing reference to the extremely successful 
Iraqi election that had taken place a few weeks earlier, he again had nothing 
to say about democracy.
Muravchik isn't the only one to have noticed Obama's reticence on the subject. 
In its editorial on the Iraqi election, which it termed a "political triumph," 
the Washington Post celebrated Iraq's progress "toward becoming the moderate 
Arab democracy that the Bush administration long hoped for." Ironically, it 
noted, the greatest beneficiary of that election "may be President Obama, who 
has been a skeptic both of progress in Iraq and the value of elections in 
unstable states." Bush would have cheered the Iraqi vote as further evidence of 
the country's political and democratic advance. But Obama merely acknowledged 
that the election made it easier to withdraw "a substantial number" of US 
troops.
By April, former New York Times correspondent Joel Brinkley was explaining "How 
'democracy' got to be a dirty word" in the new administration. Since taking 
office more than 10 weeks earlier, he wrote, "neither President Obama nor 
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has even uttered the word democracy 
in a manner related to democracy promotion." Of the 30 releases issued by the 
State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, "not one . . . 
has discussed democracy promotion. Democracy, it seems, is banished from the 
Obama administration's public vocabulary."
Authoritarian regimes, naturally, have welcomed the new approach. According to 
the Associated Press, Egypt's ambassador to the United States expressed 
satisfaction "that ties are on the mend and that Washington has dropped 
conditions for better relations, including demands for 'human rights, democracy 
and religious and general freedoms.'" And just as Team Obama has downplayed 
democracy and human-rights efforts in the Middle East, it has done so as well 
with regard to China, Russia, and even Sudan. "Obama seems to believe that 
democracy is overrated, or at least overvalued," Muravchik writes.
Obama may see himself as the un-Bush, cool to democracy because his predecessor 
was so keen for it. But to millions of subjugated human beings, he is the 
leader of the free world -- an avatar of the democratic freedoms they hunger 
for. On the streets of Iran recently, many protesters held signs reading "Where 
Is My Vote?" There are limits to what the American president can do for Iran's 
beleaguered democrats. But is it too much to ask that he take their question 
seriously?
(Jeff Jacoby is a columnist for The Boston Globe.)
Related Topics:  Barack Obama, Human Rights, Iran
 
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