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Yasser Arafat dies at 75

Wednesday, November 10, 2004
BY CAROL ROSENBERG KNIGHT RIDDER NEWSPAPERS
http://www.freep.com/news/latestnews/pm1313_20041110.htm

JERUSALEM — Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, a symbol of statehood to his 
people and of Satan to many Israelis, died early Thursday morning at a Paris 
military hospital at age 75.

There was no immediate word on the cause of death. He'd been in ill health for 
several weeks and was undergoing treatment for an undisclosed blood disorder at 
the hospital when his condition suddenly worsened.

A small man with perpetually unshaven cheeks, a checked Palestinian headdress, 
a khaki uniform and a pistol on his belt, Arafat was known to his people as Abu 
Ammar -- an Arabic term of respect and affection that roughly translates to 
Father of Us All.

His life -- and death -- in many ways symbolized the modern Middle East.

He fought the Israelis for the land between the Jordan River and the 
Mediterranean Sea, sometimes as a guerrilla and a terrorist leader, sometimes 
as a pragmatic peacemaker.

He shared the 1994 Nobel Peace Prize with two Israeli leaders, but Israel later 
saw the prize as soaked in blood after two violent Palestinian uprisings.

He walked a tightrope as the de facto governor of a hobbled, Israeli-supervised 
self-rule regime called the Palestinian Authority, while trying to pursue a 
foreign and military strategy to enhance and expand its international 
legitimacy.

His final years were spent in an ignominious internal Palestinian exile -- 
confined to a corner of his Ramallah, West Bank, compound after successive 
Israeli army assaults reduced his headquarters to rubble in retaliation for 
suicide bombings and other attacks on Israeli civilians.

Historians will debate his legacy for decades.

Arafat lived long enough to elevate the Palestinian cause to worldwide 
recognition and hear an American president, George W. Bush, declare the once 
unspeakable -- that the Palestinian people deserved an independent state called 
Palestine.

But the latest wave of violence, and especially the involvement of the al Aqsa 
Martyr's Brigades, an offshoot of Arafat's Fatah political movement, revived 
the debate about whether Arafat had ever abandoned terrorism. President George 
W. Bush refused to shake his hand at the United Nations and tacitly signed on 
to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's campaign to isolate the Palestinian 
Authority as a sponsor of terror.

Internally, Arafat never groomed a successor, instead playing his aides off 
against one another to maintain his own power. His popularity plummeted amid 
complaints from Palestinians that his regime was corrupt and inept at serving 
the people of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The rival Islamic militant groups 
Hamas and Islamic Jihad increasingly challenged his secular rule.

So, at the end of his life, Arafat was once again seen in wide portions of the 
West as a terrorist and cast as an obstacle to co-existence between 4.4 million 
Arabs and 4.7 million Jews who live in the land today controlled by Israel.

It was a humiliating end to a career that was as mercurial as the man himself 
was.

His personality was a cross between godfather and grandfather, a gun-toting 
revolutionary whose followers sometimes feared him, sometimes revered him.

When frustrated by political or military developments, he cursed and screamed 
at cowering deputies. But he could be magnanimous, too.

He presided over a far-flung, secret fortune amassed from Persian Gulf sheiks 
and wealthy exiled Palestinians and showered cash and scholarships on refugee 
camp residents whose poverty symbolized the plight of his people.

Personally, he was modest. He never gave up the revolutionary attire, including 
the carefully draped keffiyah headscarf that hid a bald pate. Beneath it, his 
shirt was often frayed, patched by himself during bouts of sleeplessness.

He also had an aura of invincibility. Arafat said that Israeli spies repeatedly 
sought to assassinate him. He didn't lack mortal enemies and had an uncanny 
ability to evade death.

He fled Jordan for Beirut when King Hussein cracked down on his Palestine 
Liberation Organization. In 1983, he sailed from Tripoli, Lebanon, as a radical 
Syrian-backed Palestinian militia moved in to destroy him after Israel invaded 
Lebanon and destroyed the state-within-a-state Arafat had created there. In 
1985, he left a Tunis safe house minutes before Israeli warplanes bombed it. 
And in April 1992, his private jet crashed in the Sahara Desert, killing the 
three-man flight crew and a bodyguard.

Arafat survived, although brain surgery several weeks later to remove blood 
clots left a noticeable quiver of his hands and lips that he never explained.

In the end, his death came from natural causes that began as flu-like symptoms 
but worsened until he was unable to eat or walk. His doctors at his compound in 
the West Bank town of Ramallah decided he should fly to Paris when they were 
unable to diagnose his illness.

His career as a Palestinian leader began in the 1960s, when he founded the 
small Fatah political movement while working as a roadway engineer in Kuwait.

 From there, he wrested the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization 
from its Egypt-backed establishment and led the group through an era of 
airplane hijackings and hostage-takings that brought recognition for the 
Palestinian cause, yet led much of the world to view him as a terrorist.

By the 1970s, his forces were entrenched in the Hashemite kingdom of Jordan, 
abutting Israel's occupied West Bank. Their presence led to a bloody 
confrontation in 1970 with his rival and sometime ally King Hussein, which 
Palestinians called Black September.

Routed but not defeated, his forces regrouped in Lebanon, where Fatah became 
one of the world's most feared guerrilla groups, carrying out airplane 
hijackings and the massacre of Israeli athletes at the 1972 Olympic Games. The 
attacks, most of them carried out by shadowy groups such as Black September, 
led by one of Arafat's top lieutenants, and reminded the world that the 
Palestinian question was still unsolved.

Arafat reached a milestone of world recognition in November 1974 by winning 
long-sought permission to address the United Nations. In his speech, Arafat 
declared that the PLO was at a crossroads between warfare and diplomacy.

"I have come bearing an olive branch and a freedom fighter's gun," he told the 
U.N. General Assembly. "Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand."

After the Persian Gulf War in 1991, with the secret blessing of Prime Minister 
Yitzhak Rabin -- the former defense minister whose troops never truly stopped 
the rock-throwing intifada -- then Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres 
launched covert talks with Arafat's representatives in Norway.

They produced the Oslo Accords. Israel and Rabin made huge concessions, notably 
one that accepted Arafat as a partner in peace and granted a large measure of 
autonomy to Palestinians.

In a moment of high drama, Arafat and Rabin shook hands under the smiling gaze 
of President Clinton on the South Lawn of the White House on Sept. 13, 1993. 
Arafat, Rabin and Peres won the Nobel Peace Prize a year later.

Arafat returned in triumph to the Gaza Strip on July 1, 1994. The man who'd 
fled in late 1967 -- dressed in rags and posing as a beggar to elude Israeli 
soldiers -- was greeted by Gazans cheering his name. Five days later, he 
arrived in the ancient West Bank city of Jericho aboard a borrowed Egyptian 
helicopter with an Israeli air force escort.

But euphoria turned to confusion when Arafat tried to convert his partial 
mandate into a nation-building campaign. International aid funds were slow to 
come, largely because Arafat refused to set up a system of clear accountability 
for the Palestinian Authority.

Radical Arab opponents of any agreement with Israel struck time and again at 
Israeli soldiers and civilians, trying to destroy the chances for peace with 
bullets, bombs and knives. And Arafat's longtime habits of secrecy and one-man 
rule proved ill suited to administering an autonomous region.

In November 1995, the agreement suffered its worst blow when a 25-year-old Jew 
opposed to the peace process murdered Rabin at a rally in Tel Aviv. For both 
political and security reasons, Arafat stayed away from Rabin's funeral. It was 
a setback from which Arafat never recovered.

Born Mohammed Abdel Rahman Abdel Raouf Arafat al Qudwa al Husseini, Arafat was 
the sixth of seven children of Abder Raouf Arafat, a lower-middle class 
merchant and distant cousin of Haj Amin Husseini, the former mufti of 
Jerusalem, the city's senior Arab leader when the British ruled Palestine after 
World War I.

Arafat often said he was born in the Jerusalem, but biographers said his 
birthplace was probably Cairo, although possibly Gaza. The most reliable 
accounts indicate that his parents moved to Cairo in 1927, and their sixth son 
was born two years later.

His mother died of kidney ailments when he was four, and Arafat and his younger 
brother lived for a time with his mother's family in Jerusalem. But he spent 
most of his childhood in Cairo, where his friends nicknamed him Yasser, which 
means easygoing.

After the state of Israel was founded in 1948, he studied civil engineering in 
Cairo and served as a demolition squad leader in the Egyptian military during 
the1956 Arab-Israeli war. Next he moved to Kuwait, where he worked on roads and 
construction projects for the Ministry of Works.

While in Kuwait, he and other young Palestinians secretly planned their 
revolution and formed the Movement for the National Liberation of Palestine, 
known as Fatah for its reverse acronym in Arabic, the guerrilla movement that 
would become the core of the PLO. The group made its military debut Jan. 3, 
1965, in a botched attempt to blow up a canal in the Galilee that transferred 
precious water from north to south.

For much of his time as PLO leader, Arafat led an austere life, rarely sleeping 
twice in the same bed and shunning the elegant trappings the organization's 
fortune could have provided.

He told interviewers that his wasn't a lonely life and that he chose 
bachelorhood because he was "married to a woman called Palestine."

That changed in November 1991 when Arafat secretly married an aide, Suha Tawil, 
27. News of the marriage leaked about a year later, leading to some grumbling 
among his followers.

Some Palestinians worried that Arafat was abandoning the struggle. Others 
criticized the marriage because Arafat, a Muslim, had wed a Christian who 
converted to Islam.

In fact, the two spent little time together. Arafat continued his busy routine, 
staying up all hours of the night.

The marriage did, however, produce a single heir: a daughter, Zahwa, who was 
born when the Palestinian leader was 63.


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