Posted by [EMAIL PROTECTED] : Date: Sat, 11 Dec 1999 17:41:32 -0500 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] From: Lynne Moss-Sharman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Subject: canada Saturday, December 11, 1999 Harassment victim awaits compensation By RACHEL BOOMER -- The Halifax Daily News A Mi'kmaq who sued the British government after he was harassed by British army commandos on a flight to Halifax more than two years ago is still trying to get compensation. But Hubert Francis says although money will help his family, it won't make him feel better about the May 1997 incident. "You wouldn't think so, but it really does a number on your self-esteem," Francis said in an interview from his Big Cove, N.B., home earlier this week."You build yourself up to be somebody strong, and it only takes a couple of jerks to knock it all down." Francis, lead singer for the band Eagle Feather, had just completed a goodwill trip to Germany and Switzerland when two members of Britain's elite Special Air Service, who were travelling to a sharpshooting contest, approached him on his return flight, he says. The men, identified in legal documents as Sgt.-Maj. Denis and Officer Stewart, grabbed him by the neck, chanting and calling him an "uneducated savage," Francis says. His suit, ! ! ! ! file d in May 1998, says the men continued to harass and touch Francis, despite flight attendants' pleas to stop. It was only after the two were arrested by Halifax military police that Francis realized they were sharpshooters. More than a year after his lawsuit was filed, Francis's lawyer is still negotiating with the British High Commission for compensation. He's not sure how much money he may get, and said he's disappointed Air Canada and the British government haven't offered him an apology. Francis, a former reserve councillor, said he didn't run for re-election on the reserve, partly because he was still shaken by the racial incident. No defence has been filed in the lawsuit, which has been on hold since it was filed in May 1998. Saturday, December 11, 1999 NEWS Teen to be sentenced in February By Harold Carmichael/THE SUDBURY STAR A 16-year-old youth charged in an accident that killed a Sudbury Regional Police sergeant in July tried to outrun police while driving a stolen car in late March, a Sudbury youth court was told Friday. In the March incident, the teen drove the wrong way and jumped out of the car while it was still moving to avoid being arrested, assistant Crown attorney Fran Howe said. The boy, who pleaded guilty to three charges arising from the March incident, will be sentenced on Feb. 4. Howe told the court the Crown “is going to be seeking a significant term of secure custody.”Dressed in jeans and a blue shirt, the 16-year-old appeared emotionless during the court proceedings. When entering the court or standing in the prisoner’s box, he would put his hands in the front pockets of his jeans. The youth will return to court next month to face charges related to the July 28 deaths of Sudbury Regional Police Sgt. Richard McDonald and another teen. Police say the 16-year-old was the driver of ! ! ! ! a va n that was being pursued by police on Highway 69, near the southwest bypass. McDonald was laying down a spike-belt to stop the van when the driver lost control, struck the officer and hit a pole. Peter Noganosh, 17, of Magnetawan, a passenger in the van, was also killed in the accident. [note: "also" killed??] The 16-year-old faces two counts of criminal negligence causing death, one count of possession of break-in instruments and one count of failing to stop at the scene of an accident. A 15-year-old boy, a third passenger in the van, is charged with four offences, including failing to stop at the scene of an accident and possession of break-in instruments. McDonald knew the 16-year-old, as he was one of the arresting officers in the March 25 incident. Howe told the court Friday that two officers in plainclothes and in an unmarked police car spotted a stolen Plymouth Sundance on Jean Street. The officers lost sight of the car, but located it on Cambrian Heights Drive about 15 minutes later, stopped at a red light at the intersection at Notre Dame Avenue. Howe said the unmarked car pulled up behind the stolen vehicle, while officers in a marked police cruiser drove up in front in an attempt to block the vehicle. Police could see four people in the vehicle: three female passengers and a male driver. But as the officer in the marked cruiser got out to talk to the teen driver, the teen suddenly sped away south on Notre Dame Avenue. Police in both vehicles then pursued the teen. “The cruiser tried to box the vehicle in,” said Howe. “The stolen car kept swerving into the centre lane and northbound lanes. It was trying to get around the cop car. It then proceeded into the northbound centre lane, passed a taxi cab and then into the parking lot of Ernie’s Signs.” Saturday, December 11, 1999 Bruce: no truce Lawyer has long tilted at windmills. Now he says he's a refugee from Canada, perpetrator of the world's 'nicest genocide' Jonathon Gatehouse National Post HALDEN, Norway - Bruce Clark's latest home is a shabby, four-storey apartment block with peeling beige paint that the locals call the "Indian reservation." Hard by the highway, it is the only residence for refugees in this coastal milltown, about six kilometres from the Swedish border. Halden, with a population of 9,600, could pass for any of a hundred communities in Canada, were it not for the imposing 17th-century fortress on the hillside where King Charles XII of Sweden died in 1718. The cleaning schedule posted on the door of the communal kitchen is dominated by names like Aziz, Mohammed and Barim: individuals fleeing war and tyranny in such international hot spots as Iraq, Iran, Somalia and Pakistan. The smell of exotic spices suffuses the hallways. And in the midst of these traumatized exiles are two Canadians: Mr. Clark, 55, and his wife, Margaret, 51. They are here because of his latest quixotic quest. Extraordinary though it may seem, the Clarks are hoping to become t! ! ! ! he f irst-ever Canadians to be granted convention refugee status on the basis of political persecution. Bruce Clark's career has been filled with such attention-getting moves. Like the time he brought 15 birchbark canoes into a Toronto courtroom in hopes of proving an Indian band's lineage. Or the time he accused the Supreme Court of Canada of complicity in genocide (a statement Chief Justice Antonio Lamer characterized as an "utter farrago of nonsense," adding that "in my 26 years as a judge I have never heard anything so preposterous and presented in such an unkind way"). Or his performance at Gustafsen Lake, where he represented native protesters in their standoff negotiations with the law and ended up being wrestled to the ground by a sheriff's deputy, after a screaming match with a judge who failed to accept his arguments. Given his history, it was not entirely surprising that Mr. Clark was disbarred in March for "conduct unbecoming" by the Law Society of Upper Canada. One might have thought that this would mark the end of his two-decade-long guerrilla war against Canada's legal system. And, of course, as is so often the case in matters concerning Mr. Clark, one would be dead wrong. Far from retiring from the fray, he is as busy as ever. His latest book, Justice in Paradise, "part memoir, part jurisprudential adventure story," has just been published by McGill-Queens University Press. Then, too, he keeps himself occupied with this intriguing refugee claim in Norway. To say the Clarks' Norwegian hosts are a bit bewildered -- even skeptical -- is an understatement. When the couple arrived at the Oslo airport in June, after a First Nations benefactor bought them two airline tickets with his frequent-flyer points, the initial response was not favourable. "We said we were refugees. They looked at our! ! ! ! pas sports and said, 'Ha, ha, that's funny, you're joking.' " He's not. It is his long-held contention that the law, when it comes to the First Nation peoples of Canada and the U.S., is a sham that has abetted the world's "nicest" genocide. And as far as he is concerned, that makes him a marked man. "The envelope in Canada is very large for what you can say and you can do. But don't be under the illusion that there isn't an envelope," says Mr. Clark. "And when you step outside of it, the system can be just as vindictive as any petty dictatorship." The famous futuristic black-framed glasses that, combined with his bald head made him look like a curious amalgam of Mr. Clean and Darth Vader, are gone now. He abandoned them for "less confrontational" wire frames last Christmas after two pipeline workers in a Saskatchewan bar took exception to his eyewear and left him in a snow-filled ditch with several broken ribs. But though the glasses have changed, the eyes behind them haven't. When he holds forth on the law, the blue orbs glow with intensity. And when you fail to understand, or ask a question that suggests you doubt him, they fill with pain and disappointment. Today the Clarks are building a new life, while the Norwegian police and the foreign ministry investigate their contention that they risk arrest and imprisonment if they return to Canada, a process that could take two and a half years. Every day they make the trek to the town's library to exchange e-mails with supporters back home and their three university-age children, who live in Ottawa. They've joined a health club and spend two hours a day on their Norwegian lessons -- none of their neighbours and few of the townspeople speak English -- and generally try to make ends meet on the $800 a month they receive courtesy of the Norwegian taxpayer. This leaves them plenty of time to ruminate on the past, pondering how a successful ! ! ! ! smal l-town lawyer found a cause to believe in, took on all comers, and lost. Big time. The client who would change Bruce Clark's life walked through the doors of his Haileybury, Ont., law offices in February, 1973. In the two years since he had been called to the bar, the young lawyer had built a healthy practice tending to the legal needs of local residents, good enough in fact to justify a branch office in nearby New Liskeard, a big house on the water, a 100-acre farm outside town, a nice boat, an airplane and a Corvette Stingray. The client's name was Gary Potts and he was the elected chief of the Temagami Indians from Bear Island. Mr. Clark was enlisted by him to help stop the province's plans for an $80-million ski resort at Maple Mountain, which the Ojibwa considered sacred and claimed as their own. In an audacious manoeuvre, the young lawyer filed cautions -- a legal instrument that warns of a dispute over title -- on all 9,600 square kilometres of land claimed by the band, effectively freezing development until the matter was resolved. The case came to occupy more and more of his time. Recalls Richard Grant, a New Liskeard lawyer: "It became obvious that at some point Bruce's relationship with his client stopped being a professional one.... He endorsed their lifestyles and values.... He lost the handle." By 1978, Mr. Clark, his second wife and their young children moved to Bear Island so he could work full-time on the case (and escape his creditors). It finally came to court in 1982 and lasted mor! ! ! ! e th an two years, at which point a judge found in favour of the province, ruling the Temagami band had no legitimate claim to the land. Mr. Clark and the band parted ways, acrimoniously, and when the Temagamis later reached a tentative settlement agreement with the province, the lawyer threw his support behind a group of dissenting native sovereigntists campaigning against the deal. The agreement was defeated in a community referendum, and the claim remains unresolved. "One of the results of Bruce's inability to let go of the situation was the destruction of what we were trying to do," says Mary Laronde, a former band negotiator who worked closely with him in preparing the case. "He lost touch with reality, he was blinded by his own opinions." Life-altering epiphanies are rare, rarer still in law libraries, but that is precisely what Mr. Clark says occurred one day among the dusty stacks at Aberdeen University in Scotland. At loose ends after the Temagami case, he returned to school, at 41, earning first a master's degree in aboriginal history at the University of Western Ontario, then a PhD in comparative aboriginal rights in Scotland. While researching his thesis, Mr. Clark found what he believes is the Holy Grail of aboriginal law tucked away in a weathered volume titled Appeals to the Privy Council from the American Plantations. The document, handed down in 1704, was the British Crown's response to a petition that a group of Mohegans had sent to Queen Anne asking for help resolving a dispute with Connecticut over land in the Hudson River Valley. It called for the establishment of a special third-party British court that would adjudicate future disputes between natives and colonial authorities. The concealment of this document, maintains Mr. Clark, is "the single most important fact in the history of aboriginal rights in North America." Mr. Clark contends that because this long-ago ruling has never been revoked, North American natives remain subject only to the authority of this forgotten sub-branch of the British judiciary. Thus, any land that wasn't explicitly sold or deeded to the "newcomers" over the past three centuries is still theirs, and the burden of proving otherwise should rest on the state, not the First Nations. The case is so obscure it's hard to find anyone other than Mr. Clark qualified to comment on it. Mark Walters, a Queen's University law professor who specializes in aboriginal issues and knows the document, says Mr. Clark has a point: "He's right, it is a very significant case. It's just a matter of interpretation about the scope of this decision and what it really means," though Mr. Clark's interpretation is one of many. If the British courts once thought that Crown and native sovereignty coexisted in the New World, the 1982 Constitution's guarantee of "existing aboriginal treaty rights"! ! ! ! cou ld prove broader than anyone has imagined. "I think it's a very, very interesting argument. I'd like to know exactly at what point it ceased to be valid in Canada," says Professor Walters. Similarly, Tony Hall, a University of Lethbridge professor of native American studies, [note: a white guy who illegally abducted his sons from their Ojibway mother in Thunder Bay] says Mr. Clark is "an authentic scholar. ... It seems to me that in a society like ours, the principled high ground should at least be articulated. ... His argument is an engaging and an important one. I think sooner or later it's got to be answered." Professor Hall compares Mr. Clark to Louis Riel, both being figures who pushed the limits of acceptable dissent about how Canada treats its native peoples. "When challenged, society will sometimes overreact and create a martyr," he says. Mr. Clark returned to Canada in 1990 eager to put "the truth" to the test. He approached the Mohawk Warriors during their long standoff with the Surete du Quebec and the Canadian army at Oka, Que. But their enthusiasm for a defence based upon the assertion that the courts had no jurisdiction quickly waned when more pragmatic lawyers pointed out it would likely lead to a long stint in the stony lonesome for the Warriors. He was instead hired by a group of traditionalist Lil'Wat Indians who had been arrested for blockading a road running through a B.C. reserve. But at trial, the judge refused to entertain the notion that he and the Canadian justice system had no business trying natives. Mr. Clark's request for a judicial review of the decision w! ! ! ! as t urned down, as was his attempt to interest the B.C. Court of Appeal in his troubles. As his frustration grew, the level of civility at the Lil'Wat trial tumbled. The judge refused to let him address the court because he was not a member of the B.C. bar. Mr. Clark tried to effect a "citizen's arrest" and lay a charge of treason on the judge. Sheriffs dragged him from the courtroom. Over the next five years, Mr. Clark crisscrossed North America taking up land claims and criminal cases involving natives, travelled to Central America and Europe to foster links among the indigenous peoples of the world and tried to interest the International Court of Justice and the UN in Canada's "complicity" in genocide. And above all, he kept true to his vision, presenting the same legal argument about jurisdiction, and seeing it dismissed, time after time. The court cases took on a numbing pattern. Native clients were wowed by their knowledgeable and aggressive lawyer. Judges initially seemed receptive. The argument was introduced and quickly rejected. Mr. Clark accused the bench of treason and participating in genocide. He was thrown out of the building or placed in a jail cell. "I couldn't believe these guys wouldn't respect the law," Mr. Clark says, looking out the window at snow falling on Halden. "Show me where in those cases the judges ever addressed the issue." ! ! ! ! Gust afsen Lake was his last stand. For the media, he cut an irresistible figure, a trash-talking lawyer with a mercurial personality. Dr. Mike Webster, a B.C. psychologist working for the RCMP, spent several days talking with Mr. Clark, trying to "bring him on board." At first, he recalls, "I was impressed with his intelligence ... and his irreverence. He believes things so intensely. But when people are that intelligent they always have some adjustment problems with their personalities." As a go-between, Mr. Clark was a disaster. He would reject proposals out of hand and spouted off to the media at every opportunity. When he finally did go behind the barricades, he emerged with a tape recording that he said proved the RCMP fired the first shots. Even today, Mr. Clark says the police set out to smear him, with the willing participation of the media and courts. And some natives agree. Says John "Splitting the Sky" Hill: "They assassinated his character in order to justify -- to build up public opinion for -- a bloody incursion." As the standoff wound down, Mr. Clark seemed to be spinning out of control. There was his disastrous appearance before the Supreme Court of Canada. And, finally, there was the scuffling and the screaming at 100 Mile House, B.C. He was convicted of contempt (for shouting at the judge) and assault (for scuffling with the sheriff's deputy), and committed to a mental hospital to undergo a psychiatric assessment. The framed document certifying that Mr. Clark is mentally competent is one of the few possessions the couple brought with them to Halden. He knows he isn't crazy. But he thinks Canadian society is, and patiently explains his vision of a society based on truth, justice and equality. The law governing land claims and native rights is a hodgepodge, he says, as evidenced by such recent events as the Marshall decision and the Nisga'a treaty. "The judges are putting on more and more Band-Aids to cover up the cancer. ... It's not working," he says. The solution, he says, is to start again. "We have to rescue the justice system for humankind," says Mr. Clark. "Canada really could lead the way if they did it and got it right." The Clarks are hoping that Norway will prove to be their "paradise," where "justice and the rule of law intersect." Mr. Clark says he would like to take up farming, and is looking into the possibility of lecturing at European law schools. There are also the makings of a fourth book stored in their laptop computer. "Bruce is a philosopher, a genuine thinker," says his wife, Margaret. "He can't be lost to the world. ... He's got such a big brain." If pressed, they will allow that there is little chance that their Scandinavian hosts will risk an international diplomatic incident by agreeing that the Canadian government is persecuting its citizens. But then they could move on. Where they live isn't that important. "Since Bear Island, it's basically been, the cavalry's coming over the hill, so let's get on to the next Indian reservation or whatever," says Mr. Clark. Their thoughts are already turning to the next safe haven where they can carry on the battle. China, Pakistan, the Amazon jungle. Or maybe somewhere with windmills. "Let Us Consider The Human Brain As A Very Complex Photographic Plate" 1957 G.H. Estabrooks www.angelfire.com/mn/mcap/bc.html FOR K A R E N #01182 who died fighting 4/23/99 [EMAIL PROTECTED] www.aches-mc.org 807-622-5407 For people like me, violence is the minotaur; we spend our lives wandering its maze, looking for the exit. (Richard Rhodes) Never befriend the oppressed unless you are prepared to take on the oppressor. (Author unknown)