Vaccination against disinformation — take in immediately! 

Dear Friends, 

I wrote the urgent following letter to the CBC Public Affairs department on
Wednesday, November 24, after suffering from the endless so-called coverage
of the so-called “people power  revolution” in Ukraine. I soon afterwards
read the enclosed three articles, which fill in the “story” in my letter,
and would, I think and hope, make all who read them utterly immune against
the brainwashing  virus that is emanating from all the media, with the CBC,
to its eternal shame, playing a vanguard role in spreading it. 

Please read and consider, and write letters, call in open line shows,
contact the CBC (in particular) by phone, fax, letter or e-mail, to give
them a piece of your (by then well-informed) mind. Almost all CBC
programmes have a talkback feature, so you can even leave phone messages,
but I recommend letters that leave a paper trail and that can be part of a
dossier that I would like to send to the president of the CBC  and the
ombudsman, on behalf of CBC audiences everywhere, with very specific demands
about ethics and professionalism in their journalism. On the CBC website,
htpp://www.cbc.ca you can find all the  contact information for the various
national and local news and public affairs programmes. Likewise for CPAC,
which has joined the pack in cheering for “people power.” It has an open
line show, too, which  is less controlled than CBC’s hopeless Cross Country
Check-up which is an open line show in name only. 

If and when you e-mail to the CBC, send a copy to the PM, party leaders and
your “own” MP, whoever that happens to be. All of the parties are together
in their glorification of and support for the  US-directed  and financed
“democracy show” in Ukraine. The parliamentary e-mail addresses can be found
at: http://canada.gc.ca/directories/direct_e.html  All the MPs should be
served notice that we know  what is going on and they can’t fool us! Do
forward the articles below to them, as well as to all your own contacts. 

There is not much to add to the two John Laughland articles and to Ian
Trayner’s detailing who is really running the “show” in Kiev (guess who?).
These articles make it absolutely clear that all the media are  guilty as
sin, trying to pass on counterfeit information to the public. 

Your responses and comments are always greatly appreciated. 

Marjaleena Repo 
for the David Orchard Campaign for Canada 
Tel 306-244-9724 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 

================================== 
DAVID ORCHARD CAMPAIGN FOR CANADA 
National office: P.O. Box 1983, Saskatoon, S7K 3S5 
tel: (306) 664-8443  fax: (306) 244-3790 
1-877-WE STAND (937-8263) 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]  OR [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
website: http://www.davidorchard.com 
==================================== 
  

November 24, 2004 

MEMO FROM MARJALEENA REPO 

To: CBC public affairs programmes  CBC TV The National <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>,
Politics [EMAIL PROTECTED], The Current <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, As It
Happens <[EMAIL PROTECTED],>   The Sunday Edition
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> 
From: Marjaleena Repo, Saskatoon, [EMAIL PROTECTED] 

Once again, CBC is covering a political development in Eastern Europe, with
a combination of extreme bias and glaring superficiality.   You have
accepted, with indecent haste, that the election was fraudulent,  and you
jump in to urge that "something" be done about it. (No such insistence when
it came to U.S. election fraud that got President Bush elected for the first
time, and no investigation whatsoever of the  countless misdeeds in the most
recent election, so thoroughly documented and discussed on the internet.
See, for instance, 
http://www.votersunite.org/  and
http://www.consortiumnews.com/2004/112304.html) 

The Ukrainian election is a carbon copy of two previous ones, Yugoslavia in
2000 and Georgia last year, in both cases election results were forcibly
changed in a coup d’etat fashion., while mobs shouted  “Democracy Now!” and
“People Power.” The violent overthrow was accomplished with the aid of
American dollars and the full involvement of U.S. government agencies, with
significant financial and  organizational help from the likes of George
Soros and his “Open society,” both of which have played a significant role
in the dismantling and “rearranging” of former Soviet Bloc countries,
readying them for the joys of the “free market.” 

Just put your thinking caps on for a moment if you can find them: Can you
imagine a similar situation in Canada, where the losing side does not even
wait for the results to properly processed, but insists on  forming the
government and storms the parliament in pursuit of that goal! What would we
call these people here in Canada and how would they be dealt with? Not with
the kind of kid gloves that you have treated the opposition in Yugoslavia,
Georgia and now Ukraine, that is for sure.  You would call it by its
rightful name: insurrection. (On Don Newman’s  “Politics” yesterday, the
Ukrainian ambassador referred repeatedly to his belief that the “Rule of
Law” must be upheld in his country’s election, receiving no acknowledgment
from Mr. Newman that such an animal could possibly exist in Ukraine.) 

For your information, I was a non-NATO approved observer in the 2000
Yugoslavian election, visiting countless polling stations and talking to the
opposition party representatives, even interviewing Mr. Kostunica’s campaign
manager. (He had no problem with American money completely financing all the
opposition groups making up the so-called Democracy Movement, including its
famed radio stations  and newspapers.  As he put it, “We have no other way
of getting money!”) Everywhere at the polls there were scrutineers for all
the presidential candidates just as we have in Canada, and yet the election
was  declared fraudulent by the Western media including, of course the
Canadian, with CBC in the lead, even before the ballots were cast! The
opposition forces prevented the second ballot from taking place, as was
required by Yugoslav’s election regulations, and the rest is unpleasant
history, now repeating itself in the Ukraine. 

I know from experience that my memo to you will have no effect, but I do
hope against hope that SOMEONE who reads this might get “second thoughts” on
the kind of rah-rah coverage you are giving to all the U.S. sponsored
so-called Democracy Movements around the world, while ignoring and
dismissing the authentic ones in Canada and elsewhere. 

It is clear that CBC has strayed far from its mandate in providing reliable
and factual information and analysis to Canadians. Instead it has now become
a steady and major source of misinformation and its more sinister cousin,
disinformation. 

Marjaleena Repo 
Saskatoon  (306)244-9724 
201 Elm Street, Saskatoon, S7J 0G8 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 

================ 

The Spectator, November 6, 2004 
http://www.bhhrg.org/pressDetails.asp?ArticleID=29 

Western Aggression in Ukraine 
by John Laughland 

A few years ago, a friend of mine was sent to Kiev by the British government
to teach Ukrainians about the Western democratic system. His pupils were
young reformers from the Western Ukraine, affiliated to the Conservative
Party.  When they produced a manifesto containing fifteen pages of
impenetrable waffle, he gently suggested boiling their electoral message
down to one salient point.  What was it, he wondered?   A moment of furrowed
brows produced the lapidary and nonchalant reply,  "To expel all Jews from
our country." 

 It is in the West of Ukraine that support is strongest for the man who is
being vigorously promoted by the USA as the country's next president,  the
former Prime minister, Viktor Yushchenko.  On a rainy Monday morning in
Kiev, I met some young Yushchenko supporters, druggy skinheads from the
Western city of Lvov.  They belonged both to a Western-backed youth
organisation, Pora, and also to Ukrainian National Self-Defence (UNSO),  a
semi-paramilitary movement whose members enjoy posing for the cameras
carrying rifles and wearing fatigues and balaclava helmets.  Were  nutters
like this to be politically active in any country other than Ukraine or the
Baltic states, there would be instant outcry in the US and British  media;
but in former Soviet republics, such bogus  nationalism is considered
anti-Russian and therefore democratic. 

 It is because of this ideological presupposition that Anglo-Saxon media
reporting on the Ukrainian elections has chimed in with press releases  from
the State Department, peddling a fairy tale about a struggle  between a
brave and beleaguered democrat, Yushchenko, and an  authoritarian Soviet
nostalgic, the present Prime minister, Viktor  Yanukovych.  All facts which
contradict this morality tale are simply  suppressed.  So, for instance, a
story has been widely circulated that Yushchenko was poisoned during the
electoral campaign, the fantasy being  that the government was trying to
bump him off.  But no British or  American news outlet has reported the
interview given to the Austrian  magazine, Profil, by the chief physician of
the Vienna clinic which  treated Yushchenko for his unexplained illness, who
said he had been  subjected to such intimidation by Yushchenko's entourage
to doctor the  medical report that he was forced to seek police protection,
fearing for  his life. 

It has also been repeatedly alleged that foreign observers found the
elections fraught with violations committed by the government.  In fact,
this is exclusively the view of highly politicised Western governmental
organisations like the OSCE - a body which is notorious for the  fraudulent
nature of its own reports, and which in any case came to this  conclusion
before the poll had even taken place - and of bogus NGOs like  the Committee
of Ukrainian Voters, a front organisation exclusively  funded by Western
(mainly American) government bodies and think-tanks,  and clearly allied
with Yushchenko.  Because they speak English, the  political activists in
such organisations can easily nobble Anglophone  Western reporters, who in
any case are happy to eat out of their hand. 

Contrary allegations - such as those of fraud committed by
Yushchenko-supporting local authorities in Western Ukraine, carefully
detailed by Russian election observers but available only in Russian -  go
unreported.  So too does evidence of crude intimidation made by  Yushchenko
supporters against election officials, proof of which I  personally obtained
in Odessa. Far from being authoritarian, indeed,  Prime Minister Yanukovych
seems to be doing nothing to prevent fraud by  his challenger. The depiction
is so skewed, indeed, that Yushchenko is  presented as a pro-Western
free-marketeer, even though his fief in  Western Ukraine is an economic
wasteland, while Yanukovych is presented  as pro-Russian and statist, even
though his electoral campaign is based  on deregulation and the economy on
his watch has been growing at an  impressive clip.  The cleanliness and
prosperity of Kiev and other  cities have improved noticeably in the last
two years alone. 

There is, however, one thing which separates the two main candidates,  and
which explains the West's determination to shoe in Yushchenko:   NATO.
Yanukovych has said he is against Ukraine joining, Yushchenko is  in favour.
The West wants Ukraine in NATO to weaken Russia  geopolitically; to have a
new big client state for expensive Western  weaponry, whose manufacturers
fund so much of the US political process;  and to have a large pool of young
men who can be conscripted into  fighting the West's wars in Afghanistan,
Iraq and elsewhere. 

Yanukovych has also promised to promote Russian back to the status of
second state language. Since most Ukrainian citizens speak Russian,  since
Kiev is the historic birthplace of Christian Russia, and since the  current
legislation forces tens of millions of Russians to Ukrainianise  their
names, this is hardly unreasonable.  The continued artificial  imposition of
Ukrainian as the state language - started under the  Soviets and intensified
after the fall of communism - will be a further  factor in ripping Ukraine's
Russophone citizens away from Russia  proper.  That is why the West wants
it. 
  

The Guardian, Friday, November 26, 2004 
http://www.guardian.co.uk/print/0,3858,5072082-115040,00.html 

US campaign behind the turmoil in Kiev 
Ian Traynor 

With their websites and stickers, their pranks and slogans aimed at
banishing widespread fear of a corrupt regime, the democracy guerrillas of
the Ukrainian Pora youth movement have already notched up a famous victory -
whatever the outcome of the dangerous stand-off in Kiev. 

Ukraine, traditionally passive in its politics, has been mobilised by the
young democracy activists and will never be the same again. 

But while the gains of the orange-bedecked "chestnut revolution" are
Ukraine's, the campaign is an American creation, a sophisticated and
brilliantly conceived exercise in western branding and mass marketing that,
in four countries in four years, has been used to try to salvage rigged
elections and topple unsavoury regimes. 

Funded and organised by the US government, deploying US consultancies,
pollsters, diplomats, the two big American parties and US non-government
organisations, the campaign was first used in Europe in Belgrade in 2000 to
beat Slobodan Milosevic at the ballot box. 

Richard Miles, the US ambassador in Belgrade, played a key role. And by last
year, as US ambassador in Tbilisi, he repeated the trick in Georgia,
coaching Mikhail Saakashvili in how to bring down Eduard Shevardnadze. 

Ten months after the success in Belgrade, the US ambassador in Minsk,
Michael Kozak, a veteran of similar operations in central America, notably
in Nicaragua, organised a near identical campaign to try to defeat the
Belarus hardman, Alexander Lukashenko. 

That one failed. "There will be no Kostunica in Belarus," the Belarus
president declared, referring to the victory in Belgrade. 

But experience gained in Serbia, Georgia and Belarus has been invaluable in
plotting to beat the regime of Leonid Kuchma in Kiev. 

The operation - engineering democracy through the ballot box and civil
disobedience - is now so slick that the methods have matured into a template
for winning other people's elections. 

In the centre of Belgrade, there is a dingy office staffed by
computer-literate youngsters who call themselves the Centre for Non-violent
Resistance. If you want to know how to beat a regime that controls the mass
media, the judges, the courts, the security apparatus and the voting
stations, the young Belgrade activists are for hire. 

They emerged from the anti-Milosevic student movement, Otpor, meaning
resistance. The catchy, single-word branding is important. In Georgia last
year, the parallel student movement was Khmara. In Belarus, it was Zubr. In
Ukraine, it is Pora, meaning high time. Otpor also had a potent, simple
slogan that appeared everywhere in Serbia in 2000 - the two words "gotov
je", meaning "he's finished", a reference to Milosevic. A logo of a
black-and-white clenched fist completed the masterful marketing. 

In Ukraine, the equivalent is a ticking clock, also signalling that the
Kuchma regime's days are numbered. 

Stickers, spray paint and websites are the young activists' weapons. Irony
and street comedy mocking the regime have been hugely successful in
puncturing public fear and enraging the powerful. 

Last year, before becoming president in Georgia, the US-educated Mr
Saakashvili travelled from Tbilisi to Belgrade to be coached in the
techniques of mass defiance. In Belarus, the US embassy organised the
dispatch of young opposition leaders to the Baltic, where they met up with
Serbs travelling from Belgrade. In Serbia's case, given the hostile
environment in Belgrade, the Americans organised the overthrow from
neighbouring Hungary - Budapest and Szeged. 

In recent weeks, several Serbs travelled to the Ukraine. Indeed, one of the
leaders from Belgrade, Aleksandar Maric, was turned away at the border. 

The Democratic party's National Democratic Institute, the Republican party's
International Republican Institute, the US state department and USAid are
the main agencies involved in these grassroots campaigns as well as the
Freedom House NGO and billionaire George Soros's open society institute. 

US pollsters and professional consultants are hired to organise focus groups
and use psephological data to plot strategy. 

The usually fractious oppositions have to be united behind a single
candidate if there is to be any chance of unseating the regime. That leader
is selected on pragmatic and objective grounds, even if he or she is
anti-American. 

In Serbia, US pollsters Penn, Schoen and Berland Associates discovered that
the assassinated pro-western opposition leader, Zoran Djindjic, was reviled
at home and had no chance of beating Milosevic fairly in an election. He was
persuaded to take a back seat to the anti-western Vojislav Kostunica, who is
now Serbian prime minister. 

In Belarus, US officials ordered opposition parties to unite behind the
dour, elderly trade unionist, Vladimir Goncharik, because he appealed to
much of the Lukashenko constituency. 

Officially, the US government spent $41m (£21.7m) organising and funding the
year-long operation to get rid of Milosevic from October 1999. In Ukraine,
the figure is said to be around $14m. 

Apart from the student movement and the united opposition, the other key
element in the democracy template is what is known as the "parallel vote
tabulation", a counter to the election-rigging tricks beloved of
disreputable regimes. 

There are professional outside election monitors from bodies such as the
Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, but the Ukrainian poll,
like its predecessors, also featured thousands of local election monitors
trained and paid by western groups. 

Freedom House and the Democratic party's NDI helped fund and organise the
"largest civil regional election monitoring effort" in Ukraine, involving
more than 1,000 trained observers. They also organised exit polls. On Sunday
night those polls gave Mr Yushchenko an 11-point lead and set the agenda for
much of what has followed. 

The exit polls are seen as critical because they seize the initiative in the
propaganda battle with the regime, invariably appearing first, receiving
wide media coverage and putting the onus on the authorities to respond. 

The final stage in the US template concerns how to react when the incumbent
tries to steal a lost election. 

In Belarus, President Lukashenko won, so the response was minimal. In
Belgrade, Tbilisi, and now Kiev, where the authorities initially tried to
cling to power, the advice was to stay cool but determined and to organise
mass displays of civil disobedience, which must remain peaceful but risk
provoking the regime into violent suppression. 

If the events in Kiev vindicate the US in its strategies for helping other
people win elections and take power from anti-democratic regimes, it is
certain to try to repeat the exercise elsewhere in the post-Soviet world. 

The places to watch are Moldova and the authoritarian countries of central
Asia. 
  
  

The Guardian, Saturday November 27, 2004 
http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,1360811,00.html 

The revolution televised 
The western media's view of Ukraine's election is hopelessly biased 
By John Laughland 

There was a time when the left was in favour of revolution, while the right
stood unambiguously for the authority of the state. Not any more. This week
both the anti-war Independent and the pro-war Telegraph excitedly announced
a "revolution" in Ukraine. Across the pond, the rightwing Washington Times
welcomed "the people versus the power". 

Whether it is Albania in 1997, Serbia in 2000, Georgia last November or
Ukraine now, our media regularly peddle the same fairy tale about how
youthful demonstrators manage to bring down an authoritarian regime, simply
by attending a rock concert in a central square. Two million anti-war
demonstrators can stream though the streets of London and be politically
ignored, but a few tens of thousands in central Kiev are proclaimed to be
"the people", while the Ukrainian police, courts and governmental
institutions are discounted as instruments of oppression. 

The western imagination is now so gripped by its own mythology of popular
revolution that we have become dangerously tolerant of blatant double
standards in media reporting. Enormous rallies have been held in Kiev in
support of the prime minister, Viktor Yanukovich, but they are not shown on
our TV screens: if their existence is admitted, Yanukovich supporters are
denigrated as having been "bussed in". The demonstrations in favour of
Viktor Yushchenko have laser lights, plasma screens, sophisticated sound
systems, rock concerts, tents to camp in and huge quantities of orange
clothing; yet we happily dupe 
ourselves that they are spontaneous. 

Or again, we are told that a 96% turnout in Donetsk, the home town of Viktor
Yanukovich, is proof of electoral fraud. But apparently turnouts of over 80%
in areas which support Viktor Yushchenko are not. Nor are actual scores for
Yushchenko of well over 90% in three regions, which Yanukovich achieved only
in two. And whereas Yanukovich's final official score was 54%, the
western-backed president of Georgia, Mikhail Saakashvili, officially polled
96.24% of the vote in his country in January. The observers who now denounce
the Ukrainian election welcomed that result in Georgia, saying that it
"brought the country closer to meeting international standards". 

The blindness extends even to the posters which the "pro-democracy" group,
Pora, has plastered all over Ukraine, depicting a jackboot crushing a
beetle, an allegory of what Pora wants to do to its opponents. 

Such dehumanisation of enemies has well-known antecedents - not least in
Nazi occupied Ukraine itself, when pre-emptive war was waged against the Red
Plague emanating from Moscow - yet these posters have passed without
comment. Pora continues to be presented as an innocent band of students
having fun in spite of the fact that - like its sister organisations in
Serbia and Georgia, Otpor and Kmara - Pora is an organisation created and
financed by Washington. 

It gets worse. Plunging into the crowd of Yushchenko supporters in
Independence Square after the first round of the election, I met two members
of Una-Unso, a neo-Nazi party whose emblem is a swastika. They were
unembarrassed about their allegiance, perhaps because last year Yushchenko
and his allies stood up for the Socialist party newspaper, Silski Visti,
after it ran an anti-semitic article claiming that Jews had invaded Ukraine
alongside the Wehrmacht in 1941. On September 19, 2004, Yushchenko's ally,
Alexander Moroz, told JTA-Global Jewish News: "I have defended Silski Visti
and will continue to do so. I personally think the argument ... citing
400,000 Jews in the SS is incorrect, but I am not in a position to know all
the facts." Yushchenko, Moroz and their oligarch ally, Yulia Tymoshenko,
meanwhile, cited a court order closing the paper as evidence of the
government's desire to muzzle the media. In any other country, support for
anti-semites would be shocking; in this case, our media do not even mention
it. 

Voters in Britain and the US have witnessed their governments lying brazenly
about Iraq for over a year in the run-up to war, and with impunity. This is
an enormous dysfunction in our own so-called democratic system. Our tendency
to paint political fantasies on to countries such as Ukraine which are
tabula rasa for us, and to present the west as a fairy godmother swooping in
to save the day, is not only a way to salve a guilty conscience about our
own political shortcomings; it also blinds us to the reality of continued
brazen western intervention in the democratic politics of other countries. 

John Laughland is a trustee of http://www.oscewatch.organd an associate of
htpp://www.sandersresearch.com 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  




                                   Serbian News Network - SNN

                                        [EMAIL PROTECTED]

                                    http://www.antic.org/

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