Tiny Montenegro Booms, and Eyes the Russian Hand That’s Feeding It 

 

Filip Horvat for The New York Times

Money from Russian investors helped to build the Hotel Splendid, a luxury
resort in Becici, but the construction was disrupted by violence. 

By NICHOLAS WOOD
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/w/nicholas_wood/
index.html?inline=nyt-per> 

Published: December 24, 2006

BECICI, Montenegro
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/mo
ntenegro/index.html?inline=nyt-geo>  — Montenegro has never seen anything
quite like the Hotel Splendid. For almost half a mile, this complex of
penthouse suites, swimming pools and boutiques stretches along the Adriatic
shoreline providing unparalleled luxury for those who can afford it. 

 

A secret deal allowed a Russian company to own most of the shares in an
aluminum smelter in Montenegro. 

http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2006/12/24/world/24montenegro.map.jpg

The New York Times

Investments in places like Becici stir fears about secret partners. 

But like many of the projects backed by Russian investment funds that have
recently poured into this small country, the hotel has earned a less than
glamorous reputation. Three bombs exploded at the site during construction.
The police officer investigating the blasts was killed. When the hotel
opened in September, guests were bused in under the watchful eyes of armed
guards. 

In the past two to three years, hundreds of Russians have flocked to
Montenegro to buy large stretches of land along the increasing fashionable
Adriatic coast and to build resorts like the Hotel Splendid. Farther inland
they have bought the majority of shares in the country’s industrial sector.
Their money has helped to fuel a real estate boom and has provided
much-needed cash to ailing factories.

The influx of Russian capital is prompting many here to question its impact
on this nation of only 650,000 people, which already has a reputation as one
of the most corrupt and crime-ridden states in the Balkans. The concerns
spring from the secretive nature of many deals, questions about the origins
of their financing and the large sums of money involved. Transactions are
frequently carried out with cash. 

“The question is who knows what is going on? Whose funds they are?” said
Ranko Krivokapic, the speaker of Montenegro’s Parliament and leader of the
Social Democratic Party, one of two major parties in the coalition
government. “Who knows?” 

In its official policy, Montenegro is avowedly pro-Western. In May, the
republic voted in a referendum to end its union with neighboring Serbia,
breaking up all that remained of the former Yugoslavia. The newly
independent state has made membership in NATO
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/n/north_a
tlantic_treaty_organization/index.html?inline=nyt-org>  and the European
Union
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/e/europea
n_union/index.html?inline=nyt-org>  immediate priorities. The country’s new
prime minister, Zeljko Sturanovic, who took over in October from Milo
Djukanovic
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/d/milo_djukanovi
c/index.html?inline=nyt-per> , the longest-serving leader in the Balkans,
says he wants to rid the country of the organized crime groups that
dominated it during the breakup of Yugoslavia. 

But government and opposition leaders now worry that Russian money could
slow much-needed economic and political changes and thwart Montenegro’s
aspirations for closer ties with Europe and the United States.

Russia
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/ru
ssiaandtheformersovietunion/index.html?inline=nyt-geo> ’s president,
Vladimir V. Putin
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/p/vladimir_v_put
in/index.html?inline=nyt-per> , recently valued Russian investments in
Montenegro at about $2 billion, roughly equivalent to Montenegro’s annual
economic output. But they may be even more; government officials say many
ventures are channeled through companies in third countries. Some suggest
that these companies are also being used to bring money earned illicitly in
Montenegro in the 1990s back into the country. 

>From Bar to Tivat, Montenegro’s most prized stretch of coast, Russian voices
can now be heard around the ports, on the beaches and in the cafes. Real
estate signs are written in Russian and English. Irish and British clients
outnumber Russians, real estate agents here say, but it is the Russians —
many working with Montenegrin business partners — who have brought the
largest and most valuable assets. 

“It is interesting that they are able to come here carrying four, five or
six million euros in cash apparently without any form or official control,”
said Marija Vukovic, who was until a year ago a municipal lawyer for Budva,
a pretty coastal town where Russians have made substantial investments. 

Ms. Vukovic now owns her business, dealing with real estate transactions.
“Every day we hear that Montenegro wants to be part of the E.U., but this
kind of business is not proof that we are heading the right way,” she said.

As Russian investments here grow, Moscow has sought to exert more political
influence. In August, Russia’s emergencies minister, Sergei Shoigu, warned
in an interview with a Montenegrin newspaper that relations between the
countries would be damaged if the Montenegrins continued to pursue NATO
membership. Later that month, Mr. Djukanovic met with President Putin in
Sochi, a Russian Black Sea resort, and discussed the possibility of creating
a military-technical agreement. 

“What will be the price of our partnership with Russia?” said Nebojsa
Medojevic, an opposition leader. Montenegrins, he said, believe that Russian
businesses have little interest in the rule of law in what is still a very
weak state. “I have nothing against Russians, just their prices, the role of
their police, illegal funding, state interference in the media and so on,”
he said.

Historians here point out that Montenegro has performed a balancing act
between East and West for hundreds of years. For much of the 18th and 19th
centuries, Montenegro — which first gained independence in 1878 and lost it
at the end of World War I — was an ally of the Austro-Hungarian empire.
During that time the small principality turned to Russia, a fellow nation of
Orthodox Christian Slavs, to finance its debt and buy arms. The royal
families of Montenegro and Russia also intermarried. 

Now, after years of stagnation brought on by war and sanctions in the 1990s,
many government officials say Russian investments are crucial to economic
revival. 

Mr. Krivokapic, the parliamentary speaker, said Russian companies were far
more willing than Western businesses to invest here because of the country’s
shifting political status. He said there was plenty of historical precedent
in the reliance of other countries on Russian money. 

“I was surprised when I saw that Nice, Cannes, Monte Carlo were all built
with the help of Russian money,” he said. Away from the coast Russians have
dominated the purchase of state-owned industries from the government in
deals that opposition groups have criticized. 

In 2005, Rusal, the world’s second-largest aluminum producer, based in
Russia, became the majority shareholder in Kombinat Aluminum Podgorica, an
aluminum smelter, as well as an affiliated thermoelectric power station,
bauxite mine and coal mine, which together account for around half of
Montenegro’s export earnings. Rusal was the only company to negotiate with
the government, and the government classified the contract as a business
secret. 

In 2004, Montenegro’s main steel mill, Zeljezara Niksic, was sold to Midland
Resources, which is Russian-owned but registered in Britain. That contract
was also classified as secret. (The mill was subsequently taken over again
by the government and then sold to a British company.) 

The concerns about these investments are based on a perception that Russian
investments are inextricably linked with bad business practices, some
critics here concede. 

Whether or not those views are fully justified, senior government officials
say they would like to curb Russia’s commercial influence. 

“We are aware of the fact, once again, we are a small economic system that
can be dominated and manipulated easier than the bigger ones,” said Miodrag
Vlahovic, Montenegro’s former foreign minister, in an interview before
stepping down this fall. “But we believe that with the new investments
coming from the Western countries, with one or two strategic players, the
situation will be balanced.” 

But critics of Russian investment say the influence of Russian groups
already here will be hard to escape in this still fragile country. 

“I wouldn’t care that the Russians were coming if we had strong
institutions,” said Vanja Calovic, the coordinator of MANS — the Montenegro
Network for the Affirmation of the NGO Sector — an anticorruption campaign
group based in Podgorica, the capital. But, she said, “they will be too
powerful to be controlled by the government.” 

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/24/world/europe/24montenegro.html?_r=1&ei=508
7%0A&em=&en=568488f9791152cd&ex=1167109200&oref=slogin&pagewanted=all

 

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