Russia Profile Weekly Experts Panel: Another Attempt to Get Russia Into NATO?


Introduced by  
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/author_biography.php?author=Vladimir+Frolov> 
Vladimir Frolov
Russia Profile

Contributors: Vladimir Belaeff 
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#1>
 , Ethan Burger 
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#2>
 , Ira Straus 
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#3>
 , Alexandre 
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#4>
  Strokanov, Vitaly 
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#4>
  Strokanov, Srdja Trifkovic 
<http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#6>
 

A new report from a think tank that claims close ties to President Dmitry 
Medvedev calls for “positive scenarios” in Russia’s relations with NATO, 
ranging from loose cooperation to full Russian membership of the North Atlantic 
Alliance. It comes just days after Prime Minister Vladimir Putin expressed 
skepticism about the U.S.-Russian “reset.” Why call for Russia’s entry into 
NATO when no one either in NATO or in Russia wants this to happen, or at least 
thinks it desirable? Hasn’t the topic been dead for 50 years?

……………………….. EXCERPT  ………………….

 

Dr. Srdja Trifkovic, former Foreign Affairs Editor of Chronicles Magazine, 
former Director, Rockford Institute Center for International Affairs, Rockford, 
IL: 

Russia will never join NATO as a full member. Institutional integration is 
possible either if Russia ceases to exist as an autonomous actor capable of 
articulating its national interests, which mercifully will not happen (although 
the threat was real under former President Boris Yeltsin), or if NATO ceases to 
be an inherently anti-Russian institution, in which case it would lose its key 
underlying raison d’etre.   

Russia should not sign any security treaty with NATO, because what is contained 
in the UN Charter and in Russia’s various bilateral treaties with the U.S. and 
other NATO members is sufficient. The treaty would be either superfluous, or 
frivolous, or most likely both. It would unnecessarily grant the alliance a 
lease of life by enabling NATO-for-ever enthusiasts to pretend that it is more 
than it is or should be. 

No additional coordinating or steering committees, working groups, expanded 
missions, or joint projects are necessary or useful. If there is to be a 
“paradigm shift” in Russia’s relations with NATO, it should be initiated from 
Washington and Brussels, with the announcement that the membership for Ukraine 
and Georgia is permanently “ad acta.” 

A necessary and successful alliance during the Cold War, NATO is obsolete and 
harmful today. It no longer provides collective security of limited geographic 
scope (Europe) against a potentially predatory power (the Soviet Union). It has 
morphed into a vehicle for the attainment of misguided American objectives on a 
global scale. Russia’s pandering would merely cement and perpetuate its new, 
U.S.-invented "mission" as a self-appointed promoter of democracy, protector of 
human rights, guardian against instability, etc. The result was Bill Clinton's 
air war against the Serbs, which marked a decisive shift in NATO's mutation 
into a supranational security force based on the doctrine of "humanitarian 
intervention." The trusty keeper of the gate of 1949 had morphed into a roaming 
vigilante five decades later.  

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia has been trying to 
articulate its goals and define its policies in terms of "traditional" national 
interests. The old Soviet dual-track policy of having "normal" relations with 
America, on the one hand, while seeking to subvert it, on the other, gave way 
to naпve attempts by Yeltsin and his Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev to forge a 
"partnership" with the United States.  

By contrast, the early 1990s witnessed the beginning of America's attempt to 
assert its status as the only "hyperpower." The justification for the project 
was as ideological, and the implications were as revolutionary, as anything 
concocted by Grigory Zinoviev or Lev Trotsky in their heyday. America adopted 
its own dual-track approach. When Gorbachev's agreement was needed for German 
reunification, President George Bush Senior gave a firm promise that NATO wound 
not move eastward. Within years, however, instead of declaring victory and 
disbanding the alliance, the Clinton administration redesigned it as a 
mechanism for open-ended out-of-area interventions, at a time when every 
rationale for its existence had disappeared. Following the war against Serbia, 
NATO's area of operations became unlimited, its "mandate" entirely 
self-generated. Washington accepted that NATO faced "no imminent threat of 
attack," yet asserted that a larger NATO would be "better able to prevent 
conflict from arising in the first place," which is dangerous nonsense.  

The threat to Europe's security does not come from Russia or from a fresh bout 
of instability in the Balkans. The real threat to Europe's security and to its 
survival comes from Islam, from the deluge of inassimilable Third World 
immigrants, and from collapsing birth rates. All three are due to moral 
decrepitude and cultural degeneracy, not to any shortage of soldiers and 
weaponry. NATO’s structures can do nothing to alleviate these problems, because 
they are cultural, moral and spiritual.  

At the same time, NATO forces America to assume at least nominal responsibility 
for open-ended maintenance of a host of disputed frontiers that were drawn, 
often arbitrarily, by communist dictators, long-dead Versailles diplomats, and 
assorted local tyrants, and which bear little relation to ethnicity, geography, 
or history. NATO makes eventual adjustments – which are inevitable – more 
hazardous by pretending to underwrite an indefinite status quo in the region.  

Today’s NATO represents the global extension of the Leonid Brezhnev Doctrine – 
which, to its credit, applied only to the "socialist community," as opposed to 
the unlimited, potentially world-wide scope of the Clinton-Bush Doctrine. The 
"socialist community" stopped on the Elbe, but this “new NATO” stops nowhere. 
It is the agent of revolutionary dynamism with global ambitions, in the name of 
ideological norms of “democracy, human rights and open markets.” 

That neurotic dynamism can and should be resisted by the emerging coalition of 
weaker powers – including Russia and China – acting on behalf of the 
essentially "conservative" principles of state sovereignty, national interest, 
and reaffirmation of the right to their own spheres of geopolitical dominance. 
The doctrine of global interventionism is bound to produce an effective 
counter-coalition. 

The neoliberal-neoconservative duopoly still refuses to grasp this fact. Russia 
should do absolutely nothing to postpone its coming to terms with reality. 

http://www.russiaprofile.org/page.php?pageid=Experts%27+Panel&articleid=a1284139378#6

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