Obama hope was all hype

The US president has caved into vested interests and preserved extraordinary 
rendition. Not so different to his predecessor, then

*       Comments ( 
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/oct/28/obama-hope-all-hype#start-of-comments>
 137) 

*       Tariq Ali <http://www.guardian.co.uk/profile/tariqali>  
*       guardian.co.uk <http://www.guardian.co.uk> , Thursday 28 October 2010 
22.00 BST 
*       Article history 
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/oct/28/obama-hope-all-hype#history-link-box>
 

As the midterms approach, 15 million Americans are out of work 
<http://www.bls.gov/news.release/empsit.nr0.htm>  and Obama's ratings hover at 
about 40% to 45%. There is no doubt Democrat majorities in house and Senate may 
disappear. Democrats in marginal seats keep the president at arm's length, 
aware that the mood of the electorate reflects the desperate straits in which 
the country finds itself.

Obama's electoral triumph of 2008 coincided with the most colossal economic 
crisis since the Great Depression (and far more global in scope); to add to his 
troubles, two wars were under way on difficult terrain in far away Islamic 
lands. The first few months of 2009 became the most abbreviated honeymoon 
period granted a new president in recent memory.

In times of crisis, the incumbent suffers. And the bigger the crisis the 
greater the punishment inflicted on those in power, unless they do something 
that makes a change. Obama has not done so. Instead, both at home and abroad, 
the continuities between Obama's administration and that of Bush-Cheney far 
outweigh any differences.

Whenever vested interests resisted, Obama caved. On the economy, despite the 
advice of Robert Reich and Joseph Stiglitz, the president defended the very 
orthodoxy that led to the Wall Street crash. And this at a time when inequality 
in the US was much higher than it had been 40 years ago.

The healthcare "reforms" also saw a total capitulation to the corporations: the 
insurance companies, the pharmaceuticals, the for-profit hospitals and the top 
of the range specialists will benefit. Even the loyal Los Angeles Times felt 
compelled to complain 
<http://articles.latimes.com/2009/aug/04/nation/na-healthcare-pharma4> : "As a 
candidate for president, Barack Obama lambasted drug companies and the 
influence they wielded in Washington. He even ran a television ad targeting the 
industry's chief lobbyist, former Louisiana congressman, Billy Tauzin … [for] 
preventing Medicare from negotiating for lower drug prices … Tauzin has morphed 
into the president's partner. He has been invited to the White House half a 
dozen times in recent months."

Vested interests resisted. Obama caved. The healthcare "reform" was actually 
crafted by Liz Fowler, former executive for a private health insurer  
<http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2010/07/15/fowler> and an 
employee of Senator Max Baucus, who presides over the Senate finance committee 
and is, according to John R MacArthur, the publisher of Harper's Magazine, "a 
beneficiary of millions of dollars in contributions from insurance and health 
care companies".

To dissociate politicians from capitalists is slightly disingenuous, to put it 
mildly. US lawmakers are competitive and auction themselves to the highest 
bidder via the lobby system. As a result, the story of the healthcare reforms 
is replicated in numerous other spheres. The "new" education policies based on 
privatisation and charter schools that have been a disaster in parts of the 
country are to be continued as managers replace educationalists. Guantánamo 
remains open. Obama's legal guru now embedded in the state department, Harold 
Koh, publicly insists the drone attacks in Pakistan that kill more civilians 
than  
<http://www.newsweek.com/blogs/declassified/2010/03/26/obama-administration-official-publicly-defends-drone-attacks.html>
 "terrorists" are perfectly legal. Elena Kagan, Obama's offering to the supreme 
court, told Congress that she agreed with John Yoo, a Bushman who served as an 
assistant attorney general, that a "terrorist" captured anywhere was subject to 
"battlefield law". Like his Republican predecessor, the new attorney general, 
Eric Holder, happily invoked "state secrets" to stop a trial, while Obama's CIA 
boss (a former Clinton employee), Leon Panetta, was in feisty mood after he got 
the job, boasting that he fully intended to preserve "extraordinary rendition", 
that is, sending prisoners to be tortured in Afghanistan, Egypt, Jordan or 
Pakistan.

The hope of 2008 soon morphed into hype. Admirers in the liberal media who had 
linked Obama vicariously to the civil rights movement sounded increasingly 
ridiculous; claiming the mantle of Martin Luther King for their man was an 
extravagance that had to be rapidly discarded. In one of his last big speeches, 
a year before he was assassinated, King had argued "that if our nation can 
spend $35bn a year to fight an unjust, evil war in Vietnam, and $20bn to put a 
man on the moon, it can spend billions of dollars to put God's children on 
their own two feet right here on earth". What had any of this to do with a 
seasoned machine politician from Chicago?

As a candidate, Obama projected himself as a new Reagan, above narrow party 
politics. He wanted to please all, but has ended up annoying many. And if the 
Republicans can find a halfway decent candidate (perhaps a uniformed one) I 
doubt the incumbent will get a second term. Will the Clintons even let him be 
the candidate?

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/oct/28/obama-hope-all-hype

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