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Editor's Notes: Exposing Iran's ruthlessness

  _____  

David Horovitz , THE JERUSALEM POST     Dec. 20, 2007   
  _____  


Just down the road from AMIA, the multi-story Jewish community headquarters
in downtown Buenos Aires, on July 18, 1994, Maria Nicolasa Romero and her
young son prepared to cross the road. 


The boy slipped out of his mother's hand and dashed into the street ahead of
her, however, and only narrowly escaped being hit by a white Renault Trafic
van that was speeding by. Relieved that her son was unharmed but shocked
that the van hadn't so much as slowed to avoid him, Romero screamed angrily
at the driver, who naturally turned to look at her as he sped away. That was
the last time anyone saw Ibrahim Berro alive. 


Seconds later, Berro rammed the explosives-filled van into the AMIA
building, with catastrophic consequences. The entire building collapsed, 85
people were killed and hundreds were wounded in what remains the worst ever
terrorist attack in Argentina. 


After it dawned on her that she had seen the suicide bomber moments before
he struck, Romero provided the Argentinean investigators with enough of a
description to draw up an Identikit picture, which was duly filed away amid
the mass of paperwork as the probe gathered pace. And there it remained for
a decade, while the investigation deteriorated into a farce of cover-up,
bribery and corruption... until Alberto Nisman was appointed to the case. 


Smartly dressed, friendly and even-tempered, Nisman doesn't look notably
heroic. He is. 


Three years ago, he was named to head a 40-strong team that essentially
restarted the AMIA investigation from scratch. Today, the previous, skewed
probe has been thoroughly discredited. Those who so signally failed to bring
the culprits to justice - including judges and investigators - are
themselves on trial or facing indictment. Nisman is collecting evidence
which may lead to charges against the president, Carlos Menem, whose
admirable foreign policy shift prompted the bombing but whose influence over
the failed probe is suspect. 


And thanks to Nisman and his team, the world now knows exactly who is to
blame for the death and devastation of July 18, 1994 - who it was that
dispatched Ibrahim Berro on his murderous mission. Once investigators
focused seriously and honestly on the trail of evidence, it led unwaveringly
to Teheran. 


A family man who says he was most dismayed by the death threat he found
recorded on his home answering machine one day because his daughter was
standing next to him as he played it, Nisman insists that he won't cease his
work on the case until the perpetrators and orchestrators have been tried,
convicted and jailed. 


Given that his list of defendants runs all the way up to a former Iranian
president, the supposedly "reformist" and "moderate" Hashemi Rafsanjani,
that might take some time. Though defeated by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in a bid
for another presidential term in 2005, Rafsanjani holds immense power in
today's Teheran, as the chairman of the Assembly of Experts that elects
Iran's supreme leader. 


But while Nisman knows that the current Iranian regime will "never"
cooperate with his investigation, or with the arrest warrants he has
remarkably secured from Interpol over Iran's anguished objections, he says
calmly that times change and the unexpected frequently happens. 


Perhaps one of his targets will be foolish enough to leave the safety of
Iran, he posits. Or perhaps, however improbable this may seem today, Iran
will one day surrender the defendants for trial in a third country. He
doesn't cite the precedent, but Libya did precisely this, giving up two
nationals to face trial in the Lockerbie bombing (one of whom was convicted
and is currently mounting a new appeal). 


A NON-OBSERVANT Jew who is nonetheless said to have a picture of the Western
Wall as the screensaver on his office computer, Nisman made his first ever
visit to Israel this week - a trip that included work meetings and a couple
of lectures. 


In a quiet room at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism at the
IDC Herzliya, speaking through a translator, he talked me through the AMIA
bombing, from the meeting at which it was hatched to the terrible moment of
Berro's detonation. 


Like the attack on the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires which preceded it by
two years and left 29 people dead, the AMIA blast, he says, was primarily
motivated by Iranian fury - fury that Menem had shown the determined gall to
sever the hitherto fruitful partnership between Buenos Aires and Teheran on
all matters nuclear. 


The Syrian-born Menem, a flamboyant, mercurial character who was president
from 1989-1999, reoriented Argentinean policy, came closer to the West and
Israel, and in the early 1990s suspended and subsequently terminated the
training of Iranian nuclear technicians in his country and the transfer of
nuclear technology to theirs. 


Iran tried pleading, then legalese and then threats to encourage Menem to
reconsider. When all that failed, says Nisman, it resorted to terrorism. 


Immediately after the AMIA blast, Menem, who plainly sensed that this was
Iran's revenge for his defiance, said he feared his own life was now in
danger, but vowed that the culprits would be brought to justice no matter
who or where they were. That certainly was not the thrust of the initial
investigation, which was branded "a national disgrace" by subsequent
president Nestor Kirchner; Nisman and his team are working to establish
whether Menem succumbed to threats and/or bribery and ensured that Iran was
kept off the hook. 


THE MEETING at which the AMIA blast was conceived and approved, Nisman says
definitively, took place in Mashad, Iran's second largest city, on August
14, 1993, and was attended by then-president Rafsanjani, then-foreign
minister Ali Velayati, then-intelligence minister Ali Fallahian, two
Argentinean-based Iranians and two Iranian military chiefs. 


Mohsen Rabbani, later given diplomatic immunity as the cultural attache at
the Iranian embassy in Buenos Aires, had flown in from Argentina to Mashad
with a list of three potential targets on which Iran could unleash its
anger. "But we don't know what the other two were, since AMIA was the first
one discussed and it was immediately approved," says Nisman. 


Nisman's evidence, which Interpol found so credible as to uphold the arrest
warrants in a unanimous vote of its executive committee in Marrakesh last
month, includes a detailed, damning money trail and testimony from another
former Iranian president, Abolhassan Banisadr, who now lives in France. 


While Nisman stresses that his brief is only to investigate the AMIA attack,
he says that other investigations, in other countries, have gathered
evidence that the same Rafsanjani-led Iranian terror committee ordered a
series of attacks in the early and mid-1990s in France, Germany, Switzerland
and the Middle East. "All the investigators found the same hierarchy," he
notes. 


Hizbullah, as ever, was ordered to carry out the AMIA attack, Nisman
continues, with its terror chief, Imad Mughniyeh, who has been indicted by
Argentina over the Israeli Embassy bombing as well, flown from Lebanon to
Teheran for instructions. 


Berro, the fourth of five siblings of a Lebanese family - the father was a
Fatah "militant," one brother was killed in a suicide attack on an Israeli
target in south Lebanon in 1989 and another brother is also believed to have
died fighting against Israel in Lebanon - was selected for the mission. Two
of his brothers had emigrated to the United States. His mother, fearing that
his Hizbullah activities would get him killed too, had wanted Ibrahim to
join them. He would have been in Detroit, and thus unavailable, but was
refused a visa, says Nisman. 


The support team flew into Buenos Aires on July 1, 1994, two weeks before
the blast. Berro traveled to the capital via Paraguay and Brazil, crossing
into Argentina across the porous "triple frontier" at the junction of the
Argentinean, Brazilian and Paraguayan borders where Hizbullah has long had a
presence. 


The Renault Trafic had been packed with a mixture of locally bought Amonal
explosives and TNT smuggled in from abroad. It was parked, three days before
the blast, a few blocks from the AMIA building. Berro was making that short
journey when he narrowly missed Romero's impulsive child. 


In 2005, Nisman received a photograph from Detroit of the whole Berro
family. "I held my breath," he remembers. "But the picture of Ibrahim
exactly matched the identikit." 


NISMAN says the Iranians told him, at their recent failed Interpol appeal
hearings, that he faced trial in Teheran for slandering their nation, that
his capture would be sought, and that he would spend years in their jails. 


He does not appear particularly fazed by this, only saying lightly that, no,
he doesn't have plans to visit the Islamic Republic in the near future. 


Dedicated, professional and scrupulous, Nisman made astonishing progress in
turning around a corrupted investigation, identifying the perpetrators more
than a decade after the fact, and resolutely documenting his evidence to the
satisfaction even of Arab nations on the Interpol executive committee in the
face of a direct and threatening Iranian challenge. 


His demand now is that the international community show similar resolve in
seeking the extradition of those responsible. 


But it's an unlikely hope, and Nisman knows it. 


Even though he has proved the commissioning of mass murder by the president
of a sovereign nation - state-sponsored terror at its most direct,
incontrovertible level - Nisman has no reason to believe that the
international community will act with less spinelessness toward an
ex-Iranian president and his henchmen than it does toward Rafsanjani's
current, genocide-inciting successor. 


Indeed, the bombings of AMIA and the Israeli Embassy, with the deaths of
more than 100 innocent civilians, underline that the resolution with which
Alberto Nisman has so admirably pursued his vicious prey is matched only by
Iran's ruthlessness in pursuit of its nuclear ambitions.

 



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