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http://www.truthout.org/docs_2005/022105B.shtml

Negroponte: Director of Intelligence Manipulation
    By Marjorie Cohn
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective

    Monday 21 February 2005

    With much fanfare, Bush announced on Thursday his nomination of John
D. Negroponte as the director of national intelligence. "John's
nomination comes in an historic moment for our intelligence services,"
Bush proclaimed ceremoniously. Intelligence, he said, is now "the
first line of defense" in the war on terrorism.

     Bush failed to mention that when Negroponte was United States
ambassador to Honduras in the early 1980s, he provided false
intelligence to Congress about the Honduran "death squads."

     In those days, the Reagan administration was using Honduras as its
base for covert military operations against the Sandinista government
of Nicaragua. Negroponte oversaw the buildup of military positions
and training of the anti-Sandinista Contra rebels inside the Honduran
border.

     As a gesture of appreciation for the use of its territory, the U.S.
gave Honduras generous military aid. On Negroponte's watch, that aid
rose from $4 million to $77.4 million. In order to keep the aid
coming, Congress required annual reassurances from the U.S. embassy
in Tegucigalpa that Honduras was respecting the human rights of its
people.

     Negroponte's embassy provided annual reports to the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. Those reports sugar-coated Honduras's human
rights record, which Negroponte knew to be atrocious.

     The 1983 report, for example, said the "Honduran government neither
condones nor knowingly permits killings of a political or
nonpolitical nature" and reassured the Committee that there were "no
political prisoners in Honduras."

     In fact, the Honduran government was "disappearing," torturing, and
killing hundreds of political opponents.

     This was confirmed by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the
famous Velásquez Rodríguez Case. It concluded that "a practice of
disappearances carried out or tolerated by Honduran officials existed
between 1981 and 1984." The court found, "The kidnappers blindfolded
the victims, took them to secret, unofficial detention centers and
moved them from one center to another. They interrogated the victims
and subjected them to cruel and humiliating treatment and torture.
Some were ultimately murdered and their bodies were buried in
clandestine cemeteries."

     "It was public and notorious knowledge in Honduras," added the court,
"that the kidnappings were carried out by military personnel or the
police, or persons acting under their orders."

     The Baltimore Sun conducted an 14-month investigation into the
Honduran atrocities. The findings were published in a 1995 Pulitzer
prize-winning series of articles by Gary Cohn and Ginger Thompson.
They wrote, "The Honduran press was full of reports about military
abuses, including hundreds of newspaper stories in 1982. There were
also direct pleas from Honduran officials to U.S. officials,
including Negroponte."

     "Time and again during his tour of duty in Honduras from 1981 to
1985, Negroponte was confronted with evidence that a Honduran army
intelligence unit, trained by the CIA, was stalking, kidnapping,
torturing and killing suspected subversives," according to the Sun.

     Jaime Rosenthal, former vice president of Honduras and owner of the
newspaper El Tiempo, said, "There is no way United States officials
in Honduras during the early 1980s can deny they knew about the
disappearances. There were stories about it in our newspaper and most
other newspapers almost every day."

     Negroponte's predecessor, Ambassador Jack Binns, had been profoundly
troubled by the actions of the Honduran military when he served as
U.S. ambassador from 1980-1981. "I reported these abuses repeatedly,
and urged that we take action to try and turn it around," Binns said.

     Binns warned in a 1981 cable, "I am deeply concerned at increasing
evidence of officially sponsored/sanctioned assassinations of
political and criminal targets, which clearly indicate [that Honduran
government] repression has built up a head of steam much faster than
we anticipated."

     How was Binns rewarded for his candor? He was summoned to Washington.
"I was told to stop human rights reporting except in back channel.
The fear was that if it came into the State Department, it will
leak," Binns told the Sun. "They wanted to keep assistance flowing.
Increased violations by the Honduran military would prejudice that."

     Binns was replaced by John Negroponte, to manipulate the flow of
information.

     What did Negroponte, our newly nominated intelligence czar, do in
response to reports of these atrocities in Honduras on his watch? He
covered them up, and lied to Congress by sending it false
intelligence.

     A junior political officer in the U.S. Embassy in Tegucigalpa was
ordered to delete from the State Department's annual human rights
report to Congress substantial evidence of the abuses by the Honduran
military in 1982, according to the Sun.

     "Under my leadership," Negroponte said disingenuously, "the embassy
worked to promote the restoration and consolidation of democracy in
Honduras, including the advancement of human rights."

     In 1982, former Honduran military intelligence chief Col. Leonidas
Torres Arias told reporters at a news conference in Mexico City about
a "death squad operating in Honduras led by armed forces chief
General Gustavo Alvarez." (Alvarez was trained at the U.S. Army
School of the Americas.) Negroponte wrote in an Oct. 16, 1982
article, "I have a lot of difficulty taking those kinds of
accusations seriously."

     United States support of Honduran aid to the Contras violated the
1982 Boland amendment, which prohibited the use of U.S. funds for
"military equipment, military training or advice, or other support
for military activities, to any group or individual not part of a
country's armed forces, for the purpose of overthrowing the
government of Nicaragua or provoking a military exchange between
Nicaragua and Honduras."

     In the now infamous Iran-Contra scandal, the Reagan administration
illegally sold weapons to Iran in violation of an embargo on those
sales. It also covertly and illegally transferred money, through
Honduras, to the Contras in their efforts to overthrow the Nicaraguan
government.

     Not only did Negroponte's embassy reports cover up the human rights
violations being committed by the Honduran government; they also
falsely stated that the Nicaraguan Sandinista government was
committing myriad atrocities, in order to galvanize U.S. public
opinion against the Sandinistas.

     In fact, it was the U.S.-backed Contras who were wreaking terrorism.
Former Contra PR official Edgar Chamorro wrote in a 1986 letter to
the New York Times: "During my four years as a 'contra' director, it
was premeditated policy to terrorize civilian noncombatants to
prevent them from cooperating with the [Sandinista] government."
Chamorro admitted, "Hundreds of civilian murders, tortures and rapes
were committed in pursuit of this policy, of which the contra leaders
and their CIA superiors were well aware."

     The U.S. government, in the 1980s, supported vicious dictatorships in
several Latin American countries which engaged in the disappearances,
torture and murder of thousands of people who questioned their
policies.

     "I think it's extremely important that the State Department be right
on human rights," Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.) said in an interview
with the Sun. "If we told the truth about Honduras and the whole
Central American policy, … billions of dollars of American tax
dollars would have been saved, a large number of lives would have
been saved, and the governments would have moved toward democracy
quicker."

     When Bush nominated Negroponte for intelligence director, the
president noted, "He understands the power centers in Washington."
Indeed, Negroponte has been around for 40 years. He was political
officer at the U.S. embassy in Vietnam from 1964-1968, during a
period of extra-judicial executions and gross human rights abuses,
including massacres by the notorious "Tiger Force" of the Army's
101st Airborne Division.

     After his stint in Honduras, Negroponte served as U.S. ambassador to
Mexico, where he shepherded the signing of NAFTA. As a result, one
million Mexican farmers have lost their land and livelihoods, and
NAFTA has undermined labor and environmental protections in Mexico,
the United States and Canada.

     From September 2001 during the run-up to the Iraq war, Negroponte was
U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. He avoided a withering
interrogation at his confirmation hearing about his record in
Honduras, in a Senate stunned by the 9/11 attacks. During his tenure,
Negroponte lied to the UN about the justifications for the war, and
successfully pressured Mexico and Chile to fire their UN ambassadors
for not supporting the war.

     Negroponte's last stepping stone to intelligence czar was his
appointment as U.S. ambassador to Iraq in June of last year, on the
day "sovereignty" was transferred to the Iraqis. The last seven
months have seen some of the bloodiest fighting of the war, as well
as continued reports of torture of Iraqis by U.S. forces.

     The position Negroponte will hold was created in response to
intelligence failures perceived to have enabled the September 11
attacks. Negroponte's sordid past does not inspire confidence in his
qualifications for that post. In fact, Negroponte was likely chosen
because he will tell Bush & Co. exactly what they want to hear. And
that won't make us any safer.

     Former CIA official Melvin Goodman summed it up nicely: "I think of
the Negroponte of the 1980s covering up human rights abuses, and then
I think of the role of intelligence in telling truth to power, and it
doesn't fit."


Marjorie Cohn, a contributing editor to t r u t h o u t, is a professor at
Thomas Jefferson School of Law, executive vice president of the National
Lawyers Guild, and the U.S. representative to the executive committee of
the American Association of Jurists.

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