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Seymour Hersh: Bush is "Unreachable"
A BUZZFLASH GUEST CONTRIBUTION
by Gloria R. Lalumia, BuzzFlash Columnist

Seymour Hersh visited New Mexico State University (Las Cruces) on Tuesday,
March 29 as part of his speaking tour for his newest book, “Chain of
Command: the Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib.” He opened his presentation by
announcing that he intended to discuss “what’s on my mind” and “where we
think we are.” The first thing on his mind was a chilling assessment of
George W. Bush.

“The President,” Hersh sighed. “Bush is as absolutely convinced he’s doing
the right thing,” just as journalists are who think of themselves as white
knights think they are doing the right thing. “Even if we have another
thousand body bags, it won’t deter him.”

“This is where he is. He believes he won’t be measured by today, but in 5
or 10 years” in terms of the Mideast. With regard to Iraq, “he thinks it’s
going well.” Iran, according to Hersh’s contacts, is “teed up.” “This is
his mission,” he continued. “What does it mean?”

And then he delivered the most chilling comments of the evening. “Nothing
I write” is likely to influence Bush, he said. “He is unreachable. I can’t
reach him. He’s got his own world. This is really unusual and frankly, it
scares the hell out of me.”

>From this point on, Hersh offered a compendium of the Bush policy
failures, misjudgments, and out-of-touch convictions that have fueled his
fears.

Iraq

First, Hersh brought the audience of nearly 2,000 up to date on conditions
in Iraq. He torpedoed Bush’s rosy assessment of the recent elections.
“Everything came to a stop for this election. Satellites were moved over
the country. All assets were dragged over. In Afghanistan, where we really
have a war going on…those guys stood down for three weeks because the
drones which pick up signals were all dragged to Iraq. Nobody knew who
they were voting for. If this had happened in Russia during the Cold War,
it would have been laughed at.”

Assessing the current situation, Hersh remarked that the Iraqis “can’t
agree on what language to speak--it’s zoo time. We’re nowhere, we’re
probably not going to win the war; probably, it will be a Balkanized
country. The Turks want Kirkuk, the city with oil, and they may invade,
they may not. Here it’s spin city. In the European and Mideastern press,
there’s a reality that you don’t get over here.”

Hersh described how he thought Bush treats Americans by retelling an old
Richard Pryor story in which a man comes home to find his wife in bed with
another man. “What you’re seeing isn’t happening,” the husband is told.
“Are you going to believe me or your lying eyes?”

Hersh charged that the American people are not getting a true picture of
the status of the war. He reflected on the fact that “there are no
embedded reporters now and the bombing continues” even though there are no
air defenses. “We don’t know how many sorties are being flown or the
tonnage involved because there are no reporters. We do know that Navy
pilots are doing most of the flying.” Hersh made a point of saying that
many in the military, FBI, and CIA have as much integrity as most
academics, and within these institutions “there are people who respect the
U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights as much as anybody.” The Marine
Corps personnel are the most skeptical even as they continue to do most of
the heavy lifting. Hersh reports that many are very bitter, but they are
loyal to the principle of civilian control and are continuing to do their
job, but “they are going through hard times now.”

The bombing of Fallujah, according to Hersh, marked a major escalation of
the “very careful urban bombing” campaign. Fallujah is “an incredibly
important city in Iraq. It led the resistance against the British, it has
mosques, it is a fabled place.” When Fallujah was bombed, an urban bombing
planner told Hersh, “Welcome to Stalingrad, we took it block by block.”
Hersh said that it was amazing that Fallujah was largely not on the table
in America for discussion.”

“The Thinness of the Fabric of Democracy”

How have we as a nation gotten to where we are today? Since the ‘80’s
Wolfowitz, Feith, Gingrich and others have been pushing the neo-con idea
that by spreading democracy, we can make the world safer for US interests.
“It’s as if we’ve been taken over by a cult of 8 or 9 people who decided
the road to stop international terrorism led to Baghdad,” according to
Hersh. Hersh recalled how General Shinseki, who testified in February 2003
that we would need upwards of 250,000 troops to control Iraq, was
denounced by Wolfowitz, because Shinseki’s answers didn’t conform to the
neo-con mantra.

“That 8 or 9 people can change so much...Where was the military, the
Congress, the press? What has happened raises the question about the
thinness of the fabric of democracy.”

These days, said Hersh, we hear about the “insurgency” when in truth,
“we’re fighting the Ba’athists, the Sunni, the tribal people. They decided
to let us have Baghdad and fight the war on their terms. It’s not an
insurgency—that implies that we’ve put in a government and they’re
fighting against that government. We haven’t accomplished our objective on
that score,” according to Hersh.

The US is fighting cells of 10-15 people and can’t find them because it
has no intelligence. So the goal now is to make the people who protect the
resistance more afraid of US/Iraqi forces than they are of the resistance
so they will turn and provide information. Fallujah had too much press
coverage, so now everything is being done “off camera.” Hersh describes
the situation once one leaves Baghdad as “cowboys and Indians” since “we
control very little.” Hersh noted that Shia cleric Sistani did nothing as
Shia Iraqi Guards and Americans took down the Sunni in Fallujah. The same
thing is now going on in Ramadi. This long-standing enmity between Shia
and Sunni is why, Hersh believes, civil war is probably in Iraq’s future.

“The Chronology”

Hersh then launched into his chronology of how we went from 9/11 to Abu
Ghraib. Post-9/11, there were voices in the U.S. government that were not
pushing the policy of “payback” since some Taliban had been dealing with
U.S. oil companies, were largely mercantile and many were not happy with
bin Laden. These voices in the government wanted a more nuanced approach.
There was also disagreement with Bush’s plans to go into Iraq, but these
people were deemed “traitors.” He described how the Bush Administration
pressured people to come around to their view. Basically, they exploited
human nature. People with experience who disagreed noticed that junior
officials supporting the White House got the face time with the President,
the meetings, and the big end of the year bonuses. So it was only a matter
of time before those who did not favor Bush’s policies, people with kids
and mortgages, decided they had to “join the team” to survive. (See the
section on the Q & A below for more insights on what people in the
government and military have been thinking.)

Bush elected to rout the Taliban, but pulled out the most elite units in
early 2002 for redeployment to the Mideast for the coming war in Iraq.
Although Bush says we’ve “won” in Afghanistan, “the ‘bad guys’ are still
there, the elections have been delayed for a second time, crime is up,
they are the largest producers of heroin in the world, and at one point,
700 kids were dying of hypothermia and malnutrition every day” during the
hard winter.

Following Bush’s victory show on the carrier in May 2003, the reality of
Iraq became clearer. During the invasion, “6,000-12,000 people disappeared
overnight. Most elite units had been ready to fight; sandbags and armed
soldiers were on every corner.” All the people who ran the bureaucracy of
running the country were gone...the people who ran the water, oil ministry
and hospitals. Some of the looting was done randomly by Shiites, but most
of the government records—real estate, marriage licenses, etc.—were looted
and burned systematically. Saddam’s plan was to dismantle the operating
units of government and to fight later. To this day, according to Hersh,
the “people who didn’t fight are now fighting.”

The August 2003 bombing of the U.N. headquarters and the subsequent attack
on the Jordanian Embassy, which Hersh describes as the psyops center for
CIA and other espionage, sent a key message: “that the resistance was
hitting facilities that would take out other facilities”—in other words,
the hitting of key facilities would create a ripple effect, undermining
other functions down the line.

At this point, about a year before the Presidential election, Karl Rove
got involved. With a desperate need for intelligence, the push was on to
squeeze prisoners for information. Hersh said that most of the prisoners
“had nothing to do with anything.” Most were caught at roadblocks or any
male under 30 was grabbed if he was in the area after an ambush.

At Abu Ghraib, many of the guards were simply traffic police who had been
give two weeks of training before being sent to the prison. In September
2003 the abuse of prisoners had begun. The attempts to gain intelligence
were based on what Hersh called a “most acute form of torture,” the
shaming of prisoners by using pictures of frontal nudity of males and
posing prisoners as if they were performing homosexual acts, knowing that
if photographs were shown in their communities, this would be death for
them. This threat of distribution didn’t get very far because the
situation we have today is that we still have no intelligence from inside
the resistance or as Hersh puts it, “We don’t know jack.”

>From September to December 2003, torture was going on at night and all the
top generals were coming in and out of Abu Ghraib. With the release of the
Darby CD in January 2004, Rumsfeld appeared before Congress admitting
things were “bad” but the extent of the abuse was still secret until Hersh
and CBS broke the story open.

“How does Abu Ghraib play out in the real world?”

For the first and only time during his talk, Hersh raised his voice and
boomed this question into the mike: “The President, what did he do between
January and May? They prosecuted a few low-level kids when these pictures
came out. These pictures were a shock to their (Arab) culture, they viewed
America as being sexually perverse. When it hits the paper, Bush says ‘I’m
against torture.’” But instead of a real investigation, Hersh says all we
got were hearings and inquiries about “rules and regulations.” Hersh, in
talking to a lot of GIs involved in the abuse, has concluded that soldiers
were told “Just don’t kill ‘em, do what you want.”

Hersh recalled how after the My Lai incident in Viet Nam, the mother of a
soldier who took part in the massacre told him that “I gave them a good
boy, they sent me back a murderer.” Hersh believes the military has a
responsibility to the young people they send off to war. He is concerned
about the psychic damage of our troops and told one story about a woman
back from Iraq who is getting big black tattoos everywhere on her body.
Her mother believes that she wants to be in someone else’s skin. Hersh
believes that when this is all over, we’ll be hearing things about the war
that we won’t want to hear.

Touching on the situation at Guantanamo Bay, Hersh said that of the 600
people there, about half have had nothing to do with terrorism. But, he
warns, if they aren’t Al-Qaeda already, they will be. And the government
now faces the difficulty that many detainees can’t even be released
because they’ve now become more of a threat as a result of their
imprisonment than they were before they were sent to Gitmo.

According to his contacts in military/intelligence circles, the debate
over whether 9/11 was part of a deep-seated Al-Qaeda presence in the US or
was the equivalent of a “pick-up team” has been largely resolved. Most
experts have come down on the side of the latter. So, the US will have to
come to terms with what we’ve done eventually, and in Hersh’s view,
“there’s no good news in this, folks.”

Q & A: Oil and How Our Military/Government Feels about Bush’s Policies

Most of the Q & A was spent on oil and what people in our military and
government are thinking about Bush’s policies.

1) A question about oil as Bush’s real reason for the Iraq war was raised:

Hersh said that his best guess is that oil was not “the real thing he
wanted to do.” The neo-con mantra, ‘all roads lead to Baghdad’ and
‘democratization,’ the latter concept which goes all the way back to Jeane
Kirkpatrick, were the major ideas behind the war. Bush couldn’t have sold
“democratization” on it’s own, so WMD’s were used as the reason. “If we
had known there was no WMD, there would have been no vote.”

Hersh warned that when the price of oil reaches $68-$69 a barrel, this
will be the crunch point in terms of real economic decline. If Bush wants
to move against Iran, which is pumping about 3.9 barrels a day, he’s
heading for trouble. According to Hersh, Iran will scuttle every ship in
the Straights of Hormuz and the Malaca Straits in Indonesia. It will take
months of dredging and salvaging to approach normalcy.

If oil is Bush’s top priority, “Bush is just not behaving as someone who
is managing an oil crisis” and has already been “mismanaging oil in Iraq.”

Hersh passed along a comment he had picked up that illustrates the level
of Bush’s awareness. “You could call Wolfowitz a ‘Trotskyite,’ a permanent
revolutionary. Wolfowitz would know what you are talking about. But Bush
wouldn’t.”

2) A couple of questions touched on opinions in the military/government
toward Bush’s policies:

According to Hersh, elite intel groups are troubled by the missions they
are being ordered to carry out and they are questioning what they are
doing. Hersh said that he is not a “pacifist” because there are people
want to hurt us and we need to be able to protect ourselves. But, in
Afghanistan, things could have been done differently. Hersh said he wants
us to know that those who know the Constitution are very concerned. In
particular, Navy Seals are suffering “massive resignations over
disillusionment” over Bush’s policies. “Our President chose not to do
things in ways that could have avoided this...he had other options
available.” Hersh concluded by reiterating that “vast parts of government
didn’t believe there were WMD’s” and that Bush’s neo-con policies are “a
product of paranoid thinking and the Cold War.”

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