Info about subscribing or unsubscribing from this list is at the bottom of this 
message.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060417fa_fact

THE IRAN PLANS
by SEYMOUR M. HERSH

Would President Bush go to war to stop Tehran from getting the bomb?

The New Yorker
Issue of 2006-04-17
Posted 2006-04-08

The Bush Administration, while publicly advocating diplomacy in order to
stop Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapon, has increased clandestine
activities inside Iran and intensified planning for a possible major air
attack. Current and former American military and intelligence officials
said that Air Force planning groups are drawing up lists of targets, and
teams of American combat troops have been ordered into Iran, under cover,
to collect targeting data and to establish contact with anti-government
ethnic-minority groups. The officials say that President Bush is
determined to deny the Iranian regime the opportunity to begin a pilot
program, planned for this spring, to enrich uranium.

American and European intelligence agencies, and the International Atomic
Energy Agency (I.A.E.A.), agree that Iran is intent on developing the
capability to produce nuclear weapons. But there are widely differing
estimates of how long that will take, and whether diplomacy, sanctions, or
military action is the best way to prevent it. Iran insists that its
research is for peaceful use only, in keeping with the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, and that it will not be delayed or deterred.

There is a growing conviction among members of the United States military,
and in the international community, that President Bush’s ultimate goal in
the nuclear confrontation with Iran is regime change. Iran’s President,
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, has challenged the reality of the Holocaust and said
that Israel must be “wiped off the map.” Bush and others in the White
House view him as a potential Adolf Hitler, a former senior intelligence
official said. “That’s the name they’re using. They say, ‘Will Iran get a
strategic weapon and threaten another world war?’ ”

A government consultant with close ties to the civilian leadership in the
Pentagon said that Bush was “absolutely convinced that Iran is going to
get the bomb” if it is not stopped. He said that the President believes
that he must do “what no Democrat or Republican, if elected in the future,
would have the courage to do,” and “that saving Iran is going to be his
legacy.”

One former defense official, who still deals with sensitive issues for the
Bush Administration, told me that the military planning was premised on a
belief that “a sustained bombing campaign in Iran will humiliate the
religious leadership and lead the public to rise up and overthrow the
government.” He added, “I was shocked when I heard it, and asked myself,
‘What are they smoking?’ ”

The rationale for regime change was articulated in early March by Patrick
Clawson, an Iran expert who is the deputy director for research at the
Washington Institute for Near East Policy and who has been a supporter of
President Bush. “So long as Iran has an Islamic republic, it will have a
nuclear-weapons program, at least clandestinely,” Clawson told the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee on March 2nd. “The key issue, therefore, is:
How long will the present Iranian regime last?”

When I spoke to Clawson, he emphasized that “this Administration is
putting a lot of effort into diplomacy.” However, he added, Iran had no
choice other than to accede to America’s demands or face a military
attack. Clawson said that he fears that Ahmadinejad “sees the West as
wimps and thinks we will eventually cave in. We have to be ready to deal
with Iran if the crisis escalates.” Clawson said that he would prefer to
rely on sabotage and other clandestine activities, such as “industrial
accidents.” But, he said, it would be prudent to prepare for a wider war,
“given the way the Iranians are acting. This is not like planning to
invade Quebec.”

One military planner told me that White House criticisms of Iran and the
high tempo of planning and clandestine activities amount to a campaign of
“coercion” aimed at Iran. “You have to be ready to go, and we’ll see how
they respond,” the officer said. “You have to really show a threat in
order to get Ahmadinejad to back down.” He added, “People think Bush has
been focussed on Saddam Hussein since 9/11,” but, “in my view, if you had
to name one nation that was his focus all the way along, it was Iran.” (In
response to detailed requests for comment, the White House said that it
would not comment on military planning but added, “As the President has
indicated, we are pursuing a diplomatic solution”; the Defense Department
also said that Iran was being dealt with through “diplomatic channels” but
wouldn’t elaborate on that; the C.I.A. said that there were “inaccuracies”
in this account but would not specify them.)

“This is much more than a nuclear issue,” one high-ranking diplomat told
me in Vienna. “That’s just a rallying point, and there is still time to
fix it. But the Administration believes it cannot be fixed unless they
control the hearts and minds of Iran. The real issue is who is going to
control the Middle East and its oil in the next ten years.”

A senior Pentagon adviser on the war on terror expressed a similar view.
“This White House believes that the only way to solve the problem is to
change the power structure in Iran, and that means war,” he said. The
danger, he said, was that “it also reinforces the belief inside Iran that
the only way to defend the country is to have a nuclear capability.” A
military conflict that destabilized the region could also increase the
risk of terror: “Hezbollah comes into play,” the adviser said, referring
to the terror group that is considered one of the world’s most successful,
and which is now a Lebanese political party with strong ties to Iran. “And
here comes Al Qaeda.”

In recent weeks, the President has quietly initiated a series of talks on
plans for Iran with a few key senators and members of Congress, including
at least one Democrat. A senior member of the House Appropriations
Committee, who did not take part in the meetings but has discussed their
content with his colleagues, told me that there had been “no formal
briefings,” because “they’re reluctant to brief the minority. They’re
doing the Senate, somewhat selectively.”

The House member said that no one in the meetings “is really objecting” to
the talk of war. “The people they’re briefing are the same ones who led
the charge on Iraq. At most, questions are raised: How are you going to
hit all the sites at once? How are you going to get deep enough?” (Iran is
building facilities underground.) “There’s no pressure from Congress” not
to take military action, the House member added. “The only political
pressure is from the guys who want to do it.” Speaking of President Bush,
the House member said, “The most worrisome thing is that this guy has a
messianic vision.”

Some operations, apparently aimed in part at intimidating Iran, are
already under way. American Naval tactical aircraft, operating from
carriers in the Arabian Sea, have been flying simulated nuclear-weapons
delivery missions—rapid ascending maneuvers known as “over the shoulder”
bombing—since last summer, the former official said, within range of
Iranian coastal radars.

Last month, in a paper given at a conference on Middle East security in
Berlin, Colonel Sam Gardiner, a military analyst who taught at the
National War College before retiring from the Air Force, in 1987, provided
an estimate of what would be needed to destroy Iran’s nuclear program.
Working from satellite photographs of the known facilities, Gardiner
estimated that at least four hundred targets would have to be hit. He
added:

I don’t think a U.S. military planner would want to stop there. Iran
probably has two chemical-production plants. We would hit those. We would
want to hit the medium-range ballistic missiles that have just recently
been moved closer to Iraq. There are fourteen airfields with sheltered
aircraft. . . . We’d want to get rid of that threat. We would want to hit
the assets that could be used to threaten Gulf shipping. That means
targeting the cruise-missile sites and the Iranian diesel submarines. . .
. Some of the facilities may be too difficult to target even with
penetrating weapons. The U.S. will have to use Special Operations units.


One of the military’s initial option plans, as presented to the White
House by the Pentagon this winter, calls for the use of a bunker-buster
tactical nuclear weapon, such as the B61-11, against underground nuclear
sites. One target is Iran’s main centrifuge plant, at Natanz, nearly two
hundred miles south of Tehran. Natanz, which is no longer under I.A.E.A.
safeguards, reportedly has underground floor space to hold fifty thousand
centrifuges, and laboratories and workspaces buried approximately
seventy-five feet beneath the surface. That number of centrifuges could
provide enough enriched uranium for about twenty nuclear warheads a year.
(Iran has acknowledged that it initially kept the existence of its
enrichment program hidden from I.A.E.A. inspectors, but claims that none
of its current activity is barred by the Non-Proliferation Treaty.) The
elimination of Natanz would be a major setback for Iran’s nuclear
ambitions, but the conventional weapons in the American arsenal could not
insure the destruction of facilities under seventy-five feet of earth and
rock, especially if they are reinforced with concrete.

There is a Cold War precedent for targeting deep underground bunkers with
nuclear weapons. In the early nineteen-eighties, the American intelligence
community watched as the Soviet government began digging a huge
underground complex outside Moscow. Analysts concluded that the
underground facility was designed for “continuity of government”—for the
political and military leadership to survive a nuclear war. (There are
similar facilities, in Virginia and Pennsylvania, for the American
leadership.) The Soviet facility still exists, and much of what the U.S.
knows about it remains classified. “The ‘tell’ ”—the giveaway—“was the
ventilator shafts, some of which were disguised,” the former senior
intelligence official told me. At the time, he said, it was determined
that “only nukes” could destroy the bunker. He added that some American
intelligence analysts believe that the Russians helped the Iranians design
their underground facility. “We see a similarity of design,” specifically
in the ventilator shafts, he said.

A former high-level Defense Department official told me that, in his view,
even limited bombing would allow the U.S. to “go in there and do enough
damage to slow down the nuclear infrastructure—it’s feasible.” The former
defense official said, “The Iranians don’t have friends, and we can tell
them that, if necessary, we’ll keep knocking back their infrastructure.
The United States should act like we’re ready to go.” He added, “We don’t
have to knock down all of their air defenses. Our stealth bombers and
standoff missiles really work, and we can blow fixed things up. We can do
things on the ground, too, but it’s difficult and very dangerous—put bad
stuff in ventilator shafts and put them to sleep.”

But those who are familiar with the Soviet bunker, according to the former
senior intelligence official, “say ‘No way.’ You’ve got to know what’s
underneath—to know which ventilator feeds people, or diesel generators, or
which are false. And there’s a lot that we don’t know.” The lack of
reliable intelligence leaves military planners, given the goal of totally
destroying the sites, little choice but to consider the use of tactical
nuclear weapons. “Every other option, in the view of the nuclear
weaponeers, would leave a gap,” the former senior intelligence official
said. “ ‘Decisive’ is the key word of the Air Force’s planning. It’s a
tough decision. But we made it in Japan.”

He went on, “Nuclear planners go through extensive training and learn the
technical details of damage and fallout—we’re talking about mushroom
clouds, radiation, mass casualties, and contamination over years. This is
not an underground nuclear test, where all you see is the earth raised a
little bit. These politicians don’t have a clue, and whenever anybody
tries to get it out”—remove the nuclear option—“they’re shouted down.”

The attention given to the nuclear option has created serious misgivings
inside the offices of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he added, and some
officers have talked about resigning. Late this winter, the Joint Chiefs
of Staff sought to remove the nuclear option from the evolving war plans
for Iran—without success, the former intelligence official said. “The
White House said, ‘Why are you challenging this? The option came from
you.’ ”

The Pentagon adviser on the war on terror confirmed that some in the
Administration were looking seriously at this option, which he linked to a
resurgence of interest in tactical nuclear weapons among Pentagon
civilians and in policy circles. He called it “a juggernaut that has to be
stopped.” He also confirmed that some senior officers and officials were
considering resigning over the issue. “There are very strong sentiments
within the military against brandishing nuclear weapons against other
countries,” the adviser told me. “This goes to high levels.” The matter
may soon reach a decisive point, he said, because the Joint Chiefs had
agreed to give President Bush a formal recommendation stating that they
are strongly opposed to considering the nuclear option for Iran. “The
internal debate on this has hardened in recent weeks,” the adviser said.
“And, if senior Pentagon officers express their opposition to the use of
offensive nuclear weapons, then it will never happen.”

The adviser added, however, that the idea of using tactical nuclear
weapons in such situations has gained support from the Defense Science
Board, an advisory panel whose members are selected by Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld. “They’re telling the Pentagon that we can build
the B61 with more blast and less radiation,” he said.

The chairman of the Defense Science Board is William Schneider, Jr., an
Under-Secretary of State in the Reagan Administration. In January, 2001,
as President Bush prepared to take office, Schneider served on an ad-hoc
panel on nuclear forces sponsored by the National Institute for Public
Policy, a conservative think tank. The panel’s report recommended treating
tactical nuclear weapons as an essential part of the U.S. arsenal and
noted their suitability “for those occasions when the certain and prompt
destruction of high priority targets is essential and beyond the promise
of conventional weapons.” Several signers of the report are now prominent
members of the Bush Administration, including Stephen Hadley, the
national-security adviser; Stephen Cambone, the Under-Secretary of Defense
for Intelligence; and Robert Joseph, the Under-Secretary of State for Arms
Control and International Security.

The Pentagon adviser questioned the value of air strikes. “The Iranians
have distributed their nuclear activity very well, and we have no clue
where some of the key stuff is. It could even be out of the country,” he
said. He warned, as did many others, that bombing Iran could provoke “a
chain reaction” of attacks on American facilities and citizens throughout
the world: “What will 1.2 billion Muslims think the day we attack Iran?”



With or without the nuclear option, the list of targets may inevitably
expand. One recently retired high-level Bush Administration official, who
is also an expert on war planning, told me that he would have vigorously
argued against an air attack on Iran, because “Iran is a much tougher
target” than Iraq. But, he added, “If you’re going to do any bombing to
stop the nukes, you might as well improve your lie across the board. Maybe
hit some training camps, and clear up a lot of other problems.”

The Pentagon adviser said that, in the event of an attack, the Air Force
intended to strike many hundreds of targets in Iran but that “ninety-nine
per cent of them have nothing to do with proliferation. There are people
who believe it’s the way to operate”—that the Administration can achieve
its policy goals in Iran with a bombing campaign, an idea that has been
supported by neoconservatives.

If the order were to be given for an attack, the American combat troops
now operating in Iran would be in position to mark the critical targets
with laser beams, to insure bombing accuracy and to minimize civilian
casualties. As of early winter, I was told by the government consultant
with close ties to civilians in the Pentagon, the units were also working
with minority groups in Iran, including the Azeris, in the north, the
Baluchis, in the southeast, and the Kurds, in the northeast. The troops
“are studying the terrain, and giving away walking-around money to ethnic
tribes, and recruiting scouts from local tribes and shepherds,” the
consultant said. One goal is to get “eyes on the ground”—quoting a line
from “Othello,” he said, “Give me the ocular proof.” The broader aim, the
consultant said, is to “encourage ethnic tensions” and undermine the
regime.

The new mission for the combat troops is a product of Defense Secretary
Rumsfeld’s long-standing interest in expanding the role of the military in
covert operations, which was made official policy in the Pentagon’s
Quadrennial Defense Review, published in February. Such activities, if
conducted by C.I.A. operatives, would need a Presidential Finding and
would have to be reported to key members of Congress.

“ ‘Force protection’ is the new buzzword,” the former senior intelligence
official told me. He was referring to the Pentagon’s position that
clandestine activities that can be broadly classified as preparing the
battlefield or protecting troops are military, not intelligence,
operations, and are therefore not subject to congressional oversight. “The
guys in the Joint Chiefs of Staff say there are a lot of uncertainties in
Iran,” he said. “We need to have more than what we had in Iraq. Now we
have the green light to do everything we want.”

continued...

_____________________________

Note: This message comes from the peace-justice-news e-mail mailing list of 
articles and commentaries about peace and social justice issues, activism, etc. 
 If you do not regularly receive mailings from this list or have received this 
message as a forward from someone else and would like to be added to the list, 
send a blank e-mail with the subject "subscribe" to [EMAIL PROTECTED] or you 
can visit:
http://lists.enabled.com/mailman/listinfo/peace-justice-news  Go to that same 
web address to view the list's archives or to unsubscribe.

E-mail accounts that become full, inactive or out of order for more than a few 
days will become disabled or deleted from this list.

FAIR USE NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the 
information in this e-mail is distributed without profit to those who have 
expressed a prior interest in receiving it for research and educational 
purposes.  I am making such material available in an effort to advance 
understanding of environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, 
scientific, and social justice issues, etc. I believe this constitutes a 'fair 
use' of copyrighted material as provided for in the US Copyright Law.

Reply via email to