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http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,1773908,00.html

Chávez Is A Threat Because He Offers The Alternative Of A Decent Society
By John Pilger

I have spent the past three weeks filming in the hillside barrios of
Caracas, in streets and breeze-block houses that defy gravity and
torrential rain and emerge at night like fireflies in the fog. Caracas is
said to be one of the world's toughest cities, yet I have known no fear;
the poorest have welcomed my colleagues and me with a warmth
characteristic of ordinary Venezuelans but also with the unmistakable
confidence of a people who know that change is possible and who, in their
everyday lives, are reclaiming noble concepts long emptied of their
meaning in the west: "reform", "popular democracy", "equity", "social
justice" and, yes, "freedom".

The other night, in a room bare except for a single fluorescent tube, I
heard these words spoken by the likes of Ana Lucia Fernandez, aged 86,
Celedonia Oviedo, aged 74, and Mavis Mendez, aged 95. A mere 33-year-old,
Sonia Alvarez, had come with her two young children. Until about a year
ago, none of them could read and write; now they are studying mathematics.
For the first time in its modern era, Venezuela has almost 100% literacy.

This achievement is due to a national programme, called Mision Robinson,
designed for adults and teenagers previously denied an education because
of poverty. Mision Ribas is giving everyone a secondary school education,
called a bachillerato. (The names Robinson and Ribas refer to Venezuelan
independence leaders from the 19th century.) Named, like much else here,
after the great liberator Simon Bolivar, "Bolivarian", or people's,
universities have opened, introducing, as one parent told me, "treasures
of the mind, history and music and art, we barely knew existed". Under
Hugo Chávez, Venezuela is the first major oil producer to use its oil
revenue to liberate the poor.

Mavis Mendez has seen, in her 95 years, a parade of governments preside
over the theft of tens of billions of dollars in oil spoils, much of it
flown to Miami, together with the steepest descent into poverty ever known
in Latin America; from 18% in 1980 to 65% in 1995, three years before
Chávez was elected. "We didn't matter in a human sense," she said. "We
lived and died without real education and running water, and food we
couldn't afford. When we fell ill, the weakest died. In the east of the
city, where the mansions are, we were invisible, or we were feared. Now I
can read and write my name, and so much more; and whatever the rich and
their media say, we have planted the seeds of true democracy, and I am
full of joy that I have lived to witness it."

Latin American governments often give their regimes a new sense of
legitimacy by holding a constituent assembly that drafts a new
constitution. When he was elected in 1998, Chávez used this brilliantly to
decentralise, to give the impoverished grassroots power they had never
known and to begin to dismantle a corrupt political superstructure as a
prerequisite to changing the direction of the economy. His setting-up of
misions as a means of bypassing saboteurs in the old, corrupt bureaucracy
was typical of the extraordinary political and social imagination that is
changing Venezuela peacefully. This is his "Bolivarian revolution", which,
at this stage, is not dissimilar to the post-war European social
democracies.

Chávez, a former army major, was anxious to prove he was not yet another
military "strongman". He promised that his every move would be subject to
the will of the people. In his first year as president in 1999, he held an
unprecedented number of votes: a referendum on whether or not people
wanted a new constituent assembly; elections for the assembly; a second
referendum ratifying the new constitution - 71% of the people approved
each of the 396 articles that gave Mavis and Celedonia and Ana Lucia, and
their children and grandchildren, unheard-of freedoms, such as Article
123, which for the first time recognised the human rights of mixed-race
and black people, of whom Chávez is one. "The indigenous peoples," it
says, "have the right to maintain their own economic practices, based on
reciprocity, solidarity and exchange ... and to define their priorities
... " The little red book of the Venezuelan constitution became a
bestseller on the streets. Nora Hernandez, a community worker in Petare
barrio, took me to her local state-run supermarket, which is funded
entirely by oil revenue and where prices are up to half those in the
commercial chains. Proudly, she showed me articles of the constitution
written on the backs of soap-powder packets. "We can never go back," she
said.

In La Vega barrio, I listened to a nurse, Mariella Machado, a big round
black woman of 45 with a wonderfully wicked laugh, stand and speak at an
urban land council on subjects ranging from homelessness to the Iraq war.
That day, they were launching Mision Madres de Barrio, a programme aimed
specifically at poverty among single mothers. Under the constitution,
women have the right to be paid as carers, and can borrow from a special
women's bank. From next month, the poorest housewives will get about £120
a month. It is not surprising that Chávez has now won eight elections and
referendums in eight years, each time increasing his majority, a world
record. He is the most popular head of state in the western hemisphere,
probably in the world. That is why he survived, amazingly, a
Washington-backed coup in 2002. Mariella and Celedonia and Nora and
hundreds of thousands of others came down from the barrios and demanded
that the army remain loyal. "The people rescued me," Chávez told me. "They
did it with all the media against me, preventing even the basic facts of
what had happened. For popular democracy in heroic action, I suggest you
need look no further."

The venomous attacks on Chávez, who arrives in London tomorrow, have begun
and resemble uncannily those of the privately owned Venezuelan television
and press, which called for the elected government to be overthrown.
Fact-deprived attacks on Chávez in the Times and the Financial Times this
week, each with that peculiar malice reserved for true dissenters from
Thatcher's and Blair's one true way, follow a travesty of journalism on
Channel 4 News last month, which effectively accused the Venezuelan
president of plotting to make nuclear weapons with Iran, an absurd
fantasy. The reporter sneered at policies to eradicate poverty and
presented Chávez as a sinister buffoon, while Donald Rumsfeld was allowed
to liken him to Hitler, unchallenged. In contrast, Tony Blair, a patrician
with no equivalent democratic record, having been elected by a fifth of
those eligible to vote and having caused the violent death of tens of
thousands of Iraqis, is allowed to continue spinning his truly absurd
political survival tale.

Chávez is, of course, a threat, especially to the United States. Like the
Sandinistas in Nicaragua, who based their revolution on the English
co-operative moment, and the moderate Allende in Chile, he offers the
threat of an alternative way of developing a decent society: in other
words, the threat of a good example in a continent where the majority of
humanity has long suffered a Washington-designed peonage. In the US media
in the 1980s, the "threat" of tiny Nicaragua was seriously debated until
it was crushed. Venezuela is clearly being "softened up" for something
similar. A US army publication, Doctrine for Asymmetric War against
Venezuela, describes Chávez and the Bolivarian revolution as the "largest
threat since the Soviet Union and Communism". When I said to Chávez that
the US historically had had its way in Latin America, he replied: "Yes,
and my assassination would come as no surprise. But the empire is in
trouble, and the people of Venezuela will resist an attack. We ask only
for the support of all true democrats."

· John Pilger's new book, Freedom Next Time, is published next month by
Bantam Press http://www.johnpilger.com

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