To Doug:

        This is a brief response to your November 9th mail.

        First, I would like to correct an error in first column (error 
was due to Excel's calculations). Correct table appears below with real 
minimum wage added.

Variable:       1950-59 1960-69 1970-79 1980-89 1990-94
X1      2.06    2.36    7.08    5.55    3.64
X2      4.51    4.78    6.21    7.27    6.50
X3      233.70  284.7   301.7   270.4   256.00
X5      4.88    6.24    6.12    5.00    4.67*

X1 = Inflation rate, average annual 
X2 = Unemployment rate, average annual
X3 = Weekly earnings in 1982 dollars,  average annual
X5 = Minimum wage in 1995 dollars, average annual
        (*) 1990-95 average

        I couldn't make much sense out of part of your comments. 
Especially the part, "If you want to use a martial analogy, it's like the 
seemingly gratuitous massacre the US conducted during the Gulf War, 
incinerating everyone on the road out of Kuwait. Completely unnecessary 
in military terms perhaps, but from the warriors' point of view, an 
emphatic way of saying 'you lose!'"

        As for the substance of your comment, I disagree strongly with 
it. You say, "I said 'total' victory, i.e. the complete humiliation of 
your opponents. There are still unions; there are still minimum wage 
laws; there are still AFDC and Medicaid." Yes there are still minimum 
wage laws, but do they protect those workers (there are millions of them) 
who earn the lowest wage? Above table, variable X5, average minimum wage 
with 1995 purchasing power is lower than the 1950s amount. Actually this 
aggregate table is misleading a little bit. Minimum wage reached the 
highest level in 1968, $7.15, and the lowest in 1989, $4.20. 

        As for your other points, the welfare reform in the Congress 
shows us that there will be AFDC only in name, and that goes for 
"Medicaid" too. Who are going to defend the interests of these groups  in 
Congress against the Republican onslaught supported by some Democrats?

        My main contention was that the victory of capital over labor is 
fait accompli. I tried to give a theoretical reason and empirical 
evidence. A conciliatory politics by the US labor through accommodation 
(a policy is best described the philosophy of one-half of a loaf of bread 
is better than none, a quarter... is better than none, a tenth is better 
than none,..., and finally the crumbs are better than none. Such logic 
takes us nowhere.) prepared the present situations.  You seem to endorse 
that by saying that we still have unions, minimum wage laws, AFDC, 
Medicaid, etc. even though those programs have been cut, and labor unions 
are no longer as powerful as they once used to be. Capital is now after 
labor's fringe benefits (i.e., retirement, health care, etc.). How the 
unions are going to defend themselves? With what weapon? Do they expect 
support from the congress? From the people? Weakened by numbers (10-12 
million union members) and economic and political power the unions are no 
match for the capital who is well-organized politically and economically. 
Capital understands the importance of politics in their struggle over the 
labor. But does the labor understand and organize accordingly?

        I wish we have a debate on these questions rather than "Shalom" 
debate, a debate that has not advanced a theory of our understanding of 
the problem in the region and therefore provided a solution to it. It was 
a sterile and emotional debate, which regurgitated the known facts. Can 
any participant of that debate offer a reasonble solution to 
Palestenian/Israeli conflict, a solution that is just and durable peace 
between them?

        The two quotes from Marx below are important, because, I believe, 
radicals in general and Marxists in particular, follow a tradition which 
is based on class analysis of events. We use this methodology (wherever 
possible we try to improve it) to analyze economic-political-social 
events. I offer these quotes for elaboration of my view.

        "The task of philosophy is to apprehend and comprehend what is, 
rather than what ought to be."

        "Since it is not for us to create a plan for the future that will 
hold for all time, all the more surely what we contemporaries have to do 
is the uncompromising critical evaluation of all that exists, 
uncompromising in the sense that our criticism fears neither its own 
results nor the conflict with the powers that be."

        By the way, class-struggle does not seem to be popular among liberals 
and among some radicals too. I notice, our PEN writers (most of them) are not 
signing with an ending clich of "In struggle." I do not know whether or not 
this shows that they don't believe in class struggle any more.

                                        In struggle,

                                        Fikret Ceyhun                           


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