As regards military Ricardianism, for those interested in the finer points of scholarship, here's an 1845-46 comment from Karl Marx on the transformation of productive forces into destructive forces.
In German, the text is: "In der Entwicklung der Produktivkräfte tritt eine Stufe ein, auf welcher Produktionskräfte und Verkehrsmittel hervorgerufen werden, welche unter den bestehenden Verhältnissen nur Unheil anrichten, welche keine Produktionskräfte mehr sind, sondern Destruktionskräfte (Maschinerie und Geld) - und was damit zusammenhängt, daß eine Klasse hervorgerufen wird, welche alle Lasten der Gesellschaft zu tragen hat, ohne ihre Vorteile zu genießen, welche aus der Gesellschaft herausgedrängt, in den entschiedensten Gegensatz zu allen andern Klassen forciert wird; eine Klasse, die die Majorität aller Gesellschaftsmitglieder bildet und von der das Bewußtsein über die Notwendigkeit einer gründlichen Revolution, das kommunistische Bewußtsein, ausgeht, das sich natürlich auch unter den andern Klassen vermöge der Anschauung der Stellung dieser Klasse bilden kann." http://www.ml-werke.de/marxengels/me03_017.htm#I_I_B_3 The English translation of the passage (together with the context preceding it) is: "How little highly developed productive forces are safe from complete destruction, given even a relatively very extensive commerce, is proved by the Phoenicians, whose inventions were for the most part lost for a long time to come through the ousting of this nation from commerce, its conquest by Alexander and its consequent decline. Likewise, for instance, glass-painting in the Middle Ages. Only when commerce has become world commerce, and has as its basis large-scale industry, when all nations are drawn into the competitive struggle, is the permanence of the acquired productive forces assured. (...) Competition soon compelled every country that wished to retain its historical role to protect its manufactures by renewed customs regulations (the old duties were no longer any good against big industry) and soon after to introduce big industry under protective duties. Big industry universalised competition in spite of these protective measures (it is practical free trade; the protective duty is only a palliative, a measure of defence within free trade), established means of communication and the modern world market, subordinated trade to itself, transformed all capital into industrial capital, and thus produced the rapid circulation (development of the financial system) and the centralisation of capital. By universal competition it forced all individuals to strain their energy to the utmost. It destroyed as far as possible ideology, religion, morality, etc. and where it could not do this, made them into a palpable lie. It produced world history for the first time, insofar as it made all civilised nations and every individual member of them dependent for the satisfaction of their wants on the whole world, thus destroying the former natural exclusiveness of separate nations. It made natural science subservient to capital and took from the division of labour the last semblance of its natural character. It destroyed natural growth in general, as far as this is possible while labour exists, and resolved all natural relationships into money relationships. In the place of naturally grown towns it created the modern, large industrial cities which have sprung up overnight. Wherever it penetrated, it destroyed the crafts and all earlier stages of industry. It completed the victory of the commercial town over the countryside. [Its first premise] was the automatic system. [Its development] produced a mass of productive forces, for which private [property] became just as much a fetter as the guild had been for manufacture and the small, rural workshop for the developing craft. These productive forces received under the system of private property a one-sided development only, and became for the majority destructive forces; moreover, a great multitude of such forces could find no application at all within this system. (...) from the conception of history we have sketched we obtain these further conclusions: (1) In the development of productive forces there comes a stage when productive forces and means of intercourse are brought into being, which, under the existing relationships, only cause mischief, and are no longer forces of production but forces of destruction (machinery and money); and connected with this a class is called forth, which has to bear all the burdens of society without enjoying its advantages, which, ousted from society, is forced into the most decided antagonism to all other classes; a class which forms the majority of all members of society, and from which emanates the consciousness of the necessity of a fundamental revolution, the communist consciousness, which may, of course, arise among the other classes too through the contemplation of the situation of this class. (...) (4) Both for the production on a mass scale of this communist consciousness, and for the success of the cause itself, the changing of men on a mass scale is, necessary, a change which can only take place in a practical movement, a revolution; this revolution is necessary, therefore, not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the class overthrowing it, can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck of ages, and become fitted to found society anew. >From Die Deutsche Ideologie (English at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01d.htm#d1 ) Rosa Luxemburg additionally commented in 1913: "Finally, militarism is a weapon in the competitive struggle between capitalist countries for areas of non-capitalist civilisation. In addition, militarism has yet another important function. For the purely economic point of view, it is a pre-eminent means for the realisation of surplus-value; it is itself a province for accumulation. (...) Capital increasingly employs militarism for implementing a foreign and colonial policy to get hold of the means of production and labour power of non-capitalist countries and societies. This same militarism works in like manner in the capitalist countries to divert purchasing power away from the non-capitalist strata. (...) The more ruthlessly capital sets about the destruction of non-capitalist strata at home and in the outside world, the more it lowers the standard of living for the workers as a whole, the greater also is the change in the day-to-day history of capital. It becomes a string of political and social disasters and convulsions, and under these conditions, punctuated by periodical economic catastrophes or crises, accumulation can go on no longer. But even before this natural economic impasse of capital's own creation is properly reached, it becomes a necessity for the international working class to revolt against the rule of capital." From: Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital, Modern Reader Paperbacks 1951, p. 454, 466-467. Jurriaan
