The Hindu

Tuesday, May 13, 2003

Communalising Kerala

By K.N. Panikkar

A transition from the communitarian to the communal
has been taking place, slowly but steadily.

ANOTHER BASTION is falling. Kerala known for its
relatively harmonious communal relations has lately
witnessed quite a few clashes between members of
different communities. In Nadapuram, Panur, Taikal and
Pathanamthitta.

The latest is in Marad, a coastal village near
Kozhikode, in which nine persons were brutally killed
and several injured on May 3. It was not a communal
riot in the generally accepted sense, in which the
members of two communities violently engage with each
other, in most cases spontaneously, due to some
immediate provocation. In Marad, it was a sudden
attack by a group of people well armed and well
organized who, if the police are to be believed,
carried out the operation in one sweep in less than 15
minutes.

Marad has fallen victim to communal fury for a second
time. In January last year the members of two
communities had clashed, the reason for which is not
entirely known. It is believed that inter-communal
tension grew out of a New Year day function. Five
persons were killed, about 100 houses were destroyed
and several boats on fire. Many in the predominantly
fishing community in the village lost their means of
livelihood.

It aroused considerable indignation and concern,
especially among social activists and the
intelligentsia, who took several initiatives to bring
about communal harmony. The Government also
intervened, particularly in the field of
rehabilitation. Yet, they did not have the desired
effect, as evident from the repetition of the
brutality, which many believe has its roots in the
first incident. This is because the efforts to bring
about communal harmony did not address the basic
issue, namely, the communalisation of Kerala society,
particularly after the demolition of the Babri Masjid,
an important marker in the social consciousness of
both the Muslim minority and the Hindu majority.

During the last couple of decades, the activity and
influence of communal formations have considerably
increased in Kerala. According to the data published
by the Organiser in its issue of March 25, 2001, the
Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh runs 4300 `shakas' and
`upasakhas' in Kerala. The increase in numbers
thereafter is not known. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad has
now established its organisational set up in almost
all parts of the state.

Recently, it undertook the distribution of tridents,
as a part of the effort to use religious symbols for
mobilisation and to create self-confidence rooted in
religious identity. There are a couple of newspapers
and quite a few periodicals which generally serve the
Hindu communal cause. Saraswati Shishu Mandirs and
such other schools serve as recruiting grounds of
unsuspecting young children. There are innumerable
cultural organisations,
promoting and disseminating communal ideas in the
guise of patronising literature, theatre, traditional
arts and science or the renovation of village temples.
Their activities have led to the emergence of a
cultural right in Kerala, which receives legitimacy
from intellectuals who claim to be independent. The
intervention of these institutions has made a
qualitative change in the consciousness and outlook of
a fairly large number of Hindus. A fundamentalist
shift has taken place.

A similar tendency has developed among the Muslims as
well. After the demolition of the Babri Masjid, a
section of the Muslim youth felt rather restive and
dissatisfied with the pacifist stand taken by the
existing political and social formations. They rallied
around more militant outfits such as the Islamic
Service Society and the National Development Front.

There are also several other fundamentalist groups,
active in different
fields of social life. The following of the
fundamentalist- militant
organisations has been steadily on the increase for
quite some time. The
reformist forces among the Muslims have not been able
check this.

The incident in Marad indicates that communalism has
arrived in Kerala. It
is a proof that the stage of proto-communalism, which
had a long period of
incubation, is over. During this phase, a sense of
religious division had
slowly emerged, socially articulated through organised
religiosity. The
organisations of different religions vie with each
other to bring the faith
of the believer to the streets. The religious
practices have now spilled
over from the domestic and sacred spaces to the public
space, eliminating in
the process the distinction between religious beliefs
and religiosity.

Religious processions in which women and children
participate carrying
religious symbols is a familiar sight in almost all
parts of Kerala. The
street processions have become common for festivals of
all religious
denominations. This was unknown about 20 years back,
but now conducted with
the support of social organisations and the blessings
of public figures.

Like `raksha bandan', which was never a part of the
cultural tradition of Kerala, almost every upper caste
practice has now become a common Hindu religious
public celebration. The participation in publicly
organised religious functions is a source of
psychological satisfaction and creates a sense of
solidarity. Kerala is now besieged by godmen and
women, widely patronised by political leaders, giving
legitimacy to the superstitions
surrounding them. The spiritual retreats managed by
them are many, which attract the crisis-ridden middle
class as a source of solace, if not as a means of
escape from the pressures of `globalised' life.

The resulting social hegemony of religious discourse
legitimises religious social division. Consequently,
the Hindus, the Muslims and the Christians have
emerged as separate entities, not only in their
personal and domestic lives, but also in social
existence. As a consequence, a transition from the
communitarian to the communal has been taking place,
slowly but steadily. Marad is an example of that
transition, which is occurring in many parts of
Kerala.

The communal idea is thus well embedded in society.
The social base of all secular parties has been eroded
and a fairly large section of the population has
become ideologically communal, even if not politically
so. It is because communalism has not yet become a
political alternative in the State. When it does, a
reconfiguration of the electoral base of several
political parties is on the cards. The Marad incident
is likely to hasten this process, as every communal
riot widens the social distance between communities
and enhances mutual hostility.

The demographic pattern of Kerala characterised by the
interspersed distribution of the members of religious
denominations is both strength and weakness. It tends
to promote secular consciousness by creating a shared
common space in daily life. But at the same time it
could engender greater violence at the time of
communal conflict. Therefore the communalisation of
Kerala can spell much greater disaster than in other
parts of the country.

In Marad, where Hindus and Muslims are evenly
distributed and live together, an atmosphere of fear
and suspicion has gripped the minds of people. Many,
it is reported, afraid of further violence, have
deserted their localities.

The ghettoisation, which might follow, would intensify
communal hostility. When communal violence takes place
the strong and decisive intervention of the state is
crucial for its suppression. The district authorities
have promised impartial and immediate action. A
judicial enquiry also has been ordered.

While they are all important in themselves in
punishing the guilty, which should be done
expeditiously, efforts are urgently needed to reverse
the process of communalisation. Since the hitherto
followed methods of speeches, demonstrations and
cultural events have not been effective enough, it is
time to explore other means. A possible alternative is
grassroot-level interventions for fostering secular
consciousness rather than working only
for communal harmony. Communal harmony after all
cannot be a reality without
secular social consciousness.

Copyright © 2003, The Hindu.



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