How the FBI spent a decade hunting white supremacists and missed Timothy McVeigh --- the results prove that the FBI should have been investigating minority gangs instead
On Apr 19, 4:42 am, Bruce Majors <majors.br...@gmail.com> wrote: > --------- > > Patriot Games: How the FBI spent a decade hunting white supremacists and > > missed Timothy McVeigh. > > BY J.M. BERGER | APRIL 18, 2012 > > http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/04/18/patriot_games?print=... > > In 1990, the FBI began picking up on rumors about an effort to reconstitute > > a notorious terrorist-criminal gang known as The Order. > > The group's name was taken from the infamous racist 1978 novel The Turner > > Diaries, which told the story of a fictional cabal carrying out acts of > > terrorism and eventually overthrowing the U.S. government in a bloody, > > nihilistic racial purge. The book was an inspiration to a generation of > > white nationalists, including Timothy McVeigh, whose path to radicalization > > climaxed in the Oklahoma City bombing 17 years ago Thursday. > > During the 1980s, extremists inspired by the book began robbing banks and > > armored cars, stealing and counterfeiting millions of dollars and > > distributing some of the money to racist extremist causes. Members of The > > Order assassinated Jewish talk radio host Alan Berg in 1984, before most of > > its members were arrested and its leader killed in a standoff. Less than 10 > > percent of the money stolen by The Order was ever recovered, and > > investigators feared members of the group who were still at large would use > > it to further a campaign of terrorism. > > To prevent the rise of a "Second Order," FBI undercover agents would become > > it. > > Starting in April 1991, three FBI agents posed as members of an invented > > racist militia group called the Veterans Aryan Movement. According to their > > cover story, VAM members robbed armored cars, using the proceeds to buy > > weapons and support racist extremism. The lead agent was a Vietnam veteran > > with a background in narcotics, using the alias Dave Rossi. > > Code-named PATCON, for "Patriot-conspiracy," the investigation would last > > more than two years, crossing state and organizational lines in search of > > intelligence on the so-called Patriot movement, the label applied to a > > wildly diverse collection of racist, ultra-libertarian, right-wing and/or > > pro-gun activists and extremists who, over the years, have found common > > cause in their suspicion and fear of the federal government. > > The undercover agents met some of the most infamous names in the movement, > > but their work never led to a single arrest. When McVeigh walked through the > > middle of the investigation in 1993, he went unnoticed. > > PATCON is history, but it holds lessons for today. Since the attacks of > > Sept. 11, 2001, a series of arrests for homegrown terrorism has put a > > spotlight on the secretive world of government infiltration, especially in > > the Muslim community. Some critics have charged that these investigations, > > in which suspected jihadists are provided with the means and encouragement > > to carry out terrorist attacks before being arrested, constitute entrapment > > and set plots in motion that would never have emerged on their own. But > > these controversial tactics were around long before the FBI was restructured > > to prioritize terrorism. And Muslims aren't the only targets. > > Most undercover operations remain secret, especially if they do not result > > in prosecutions. PATCON stayed under wraps for nearly 15 years, until it was > > discovered in Freedom of Information Act requests by the author. The account > > that follows is based on thousands of pages of FBI records on PATCON and the > > groups it targeted, as well as interviews with FBI agents who worked on the > > case, former FBI informants, and members of the targeted groups. The > > documents and interviews reveal important lessons for the modern use of > > undercover agents and informants. > > PATCON had its origins in the investigation of Louis Beam, an infamous > > racial ideologue with connections to the original Order. In 1987, the > > government prosecuted him for sedition in connection with the group's > > activities, but he was acquitted and subsequently moved to the Austin, > > Texas, area. > > The FBI was keenly interested in Beam's activities and his associates. In > > 1990, agents in Texas opened an investigation into his activities within the > > "Texas Light Infantry" (TLI). With branches throughout the Lone Star state, > > the TLI was a paramilitary militia that styled itself as an emergency backup > > for the Texas State Guard. Although the case file expansively included the > > whole organization -- most of which was not racist in nature -- > > investigators were primarily interested in a handful of Austin-area members > > and associates tied to Beam. > > Initially, the FBI targeted the TLI using an informant named Vince Reed, a > > Vietnam veteran who had successfully infiltrated the Hell's Angels on an > > earlier assignment. An undercover agent worked with Reed, posing as his gun > > dealer to strengthen his cover. > > Reed reported hearing Beam's TLI friends talk about "The Second Order," a > > newly revamped group that would stockpile money and weapons to fight a > > revolution against the federal government. > > The FBI wanted to know more. To enhance Reed's status and open a new channel > > of intelligence, an undercover operation was proposed. > > There are two kinds of FBI undercover operations, known as Group I and Group > > II UCOs. Group II UCOs are used in relatively informal ways and require less > > oversight, but they also receive less funding and administrative support. > > Reed's "gun dealer" worked under the Group II heading, since he did not > > require substantial backup or extraordinary means to pull off his cover > > story. > > FBI agents in Austin wanted to enhance the mix with a Group I operation, a > > more ambitious undertaking that would be eligible for considerably more > > funding and support but had to be predicated on a specific criminal act or > > threat and was subject to additional supervision. > > FBI records on the TLI offered a plethora of suspected crimes, including the > > stockpiling of explosives for an anticipated war against the government. But > > in the end, none of the leads on the group resulted in prosecution. > > To justify the PATCON operation, the strongest provocation was selected. An > > informant, likely Reed, had reported that TLI associates had discussed the > > possibility of killing two Austin-based FBI agents. They had done > > surveillance and collected information about where the agents lived and > > their daily routines. > > That threat became the primary criminal predicate for PATCON. But it soon > > became clear that the suspects weren't planning to act any time soon, > > according to one of the targeted agents. When pressed by FBI sources, the > > suspects said the killings would take place only after the U.S. government > > had been overthrown. > > Within months, the PATCON status reports conceded that the planned > > assassinations were "not as imminent as originally feared" and had been > > referenced only in "vague fashion" since the operation began. But it was > > enough to keep the operation going. A headquarters review said PATCON was > > "well focused" and had "not expanded beyond the intent of the > > authorization." > > The operation's intent, secondary to the threats on paper at least, was to > > broadly collect intelligence on the Patriot movement's members and > > activities, according to records of the investigation and former FBI agents > > who worked on the case. > > Three Patriot groups were directly targeted by PATCON -- TLI, an Alabama > > organization called Civilian Material Assistance, and the Tennessee-based > > American Pistol and Rifle Association. > > Half the targeted TLI "members" did not actually belong to the militia, > > according to former members and associates of the group. FBI agents said the > > targets were selected because of their relationship to Beam, who was seen as > > a gateway to the Idaho-based Aryan Nations, one of the nation's largest and > > most well-established white nationalist groups. > > PATCON operatives rented an Austin-area safe house wired for audio and > > video, which they occupied with the informant Vince Reed, hoping to catch > > Beam and others saying something incriminating on tape, according to agents > > who worked with Reed. > > The safe house surveillance didn't produce results, but Reed eventually won > > an introduction to Richard Butler, the influential head of the Aryan > > Nations, who along with Beam had been associated with The Order. Reed then > > relocated to the group's Idaho headquarters and eventually rose to a senior > > position in the organization, reporting to the FBI all the while. > > PATCON continued its surveillance without him. > > The threats the FBI chronicled as emanating from the TLI were not > > insignificant. For instance, an FBI lab analysis said that remnants of an > > expertly crafted pipe bomb were found during a search at a TLI training > > camp. The search for more information was understandable, especially given > > the consequences if an act of violence were to take place and it was then > > revealed that the bureau could have prevented it. > > But lead after lead failed to uncover evidence that would support an > > indictment or even indicate that the plots were making any serious progress. > > Although the targets of the operation talked continually about forming The > > New Order, no one ever provided specific plans or names of those involved, > > according to agents working on the case. > > "You have talkers and doers out there, and 99 percent of the people are > > talkers," said one former Patriot informant. Most of the targets of PATCON > > -- even those engaged in frighteningly violent rhetoric -- never moved past > > the talking stage. > > Eventually, greener pastures beckoned. In February 1992, not quite a year > > into the operation, the focus of PATCON shifted. The agent posing as Dave > > Rossi arranged an introduction to Thomas Posey, the leader of the Alabama > > group, Civilian Material Assistance (CMA). -- Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups. For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum * Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/ * It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls. * Read the latest breaking news, and more.