Again, I speak for me, not Sandy.  I think that the Court did not find Kiryas Joel very attractive litigants and their request -- for state funds for their own school district -- seemed such an obvious violation of the establishment clause, while the Amish were just asking to be exempt from the truancy laws, and did seem attractive to Burger. The Amish did not ask for a school district.

Paul Finkelman

Avi Schick wrote:
Professor Levinson

Thank you for your clarifications.    I still don't see the
constitutional dimension that is so clearly visible to you and Professor
Finkelman.  I guess one way to get at the question is whether you think
that the result in Yoder should have been different because of the
conduct described in the Legal Affairs article?  

 Or, how about the Kiryas Joel case.  You contrast the Amish with "the
Satmar Hasids, who most definitely are remarkably skilled politicians."
Do you think that your opinion of the political streength of the Satmars
 is relecant to the decision in the Kiryas Joel case?  In other words,
if the school district was drawn in a way that benefitted Amish, who you
believe are not political, do you think there is less of an
establishment concern?

In the end, aren't you just substituing your opinions, beliefs, biases,
experiances, etc for those of another  - such as C.J. Burger?   

  
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 1/2/2005 3:44:46 PM >>>
        
 

-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] On Behalf Of Avi Schick
Avi Shick raises the following questions:

 

I'm somewhat confused by your statement that "even if the article is
off
by 50% with regard to the actual number of young women who are raped
or
otherwise abused by their fathers and, especially, brothers, it
nevertheless states a powerful claim."

Any abuse of the sort recounted in the article is horrific, but the
article doesn't attempt to quantify the abuse.  The closest it comes
is
when it says" "no statistics are available, but according to one Amish
counselor who works with troubled church members across the Midwest,
sexual abuse of children is "almost a plague in some communities."  
Are
these the "actual numbers" that your post refers to, or did I miss
something?  
___________________________________________

I was taking the term "almost a plague" as suggesting that the number
is
significant.  I have no idea, and I don't think the author has any
idea,
what the "actual numbers" are.  There is, of course, some risk that
she
is widely off the mark, as is often (but, alas, not always) the case
with allegations of child abuse.

I'm also interested in your belief that there is a constitutional
dimension to the issue.  To me, it appears that the problem stems from
the Amish insularity from outside influences.  While that insularity
stems from a religious belief, it is not the concern of the state.
Perhaps a decision to require Amish children to attend public high
schools would act as a check on the abuse discussed on the article, by
providing children with an outsider to report it to.   On the other
hand, the abuse discussed in the article began at an early age, and
Amish children are in school through 8th grade.  Besides, I imagine
the
amish would choose to send their children to Amish schools, not public
schools. 

Perhaps prosecutors are less likely to take seriously an allegation of
abuse coming from an Amish child.  If that was so, the article
certainly
serves an important corrective purpose.   Again, though, this is not a
constitutional concern.   After all, I suspect that allegations of
abuse
or other crimes against a tenured law professor might  sometimes be
treated differently than similar allegations against an immigrant with
limited english language skills.
________________________________

I concur with almost everything that Paul Finkelman wrote in his
posting.  The "constitutional dimension" involves the irenic portrayal
of the Amish in Yoder.  Cases consist of "fact statements" (and
assumptions, whether warranted or unwarranted, about the facts),
together with the ostensibly legal conclusions that follow from them.
When Burger distinguishes the (good) Amish from the (bad) hippy
communities influenced by Thoreau, he is not, I think, merely stating
that religious claims necessarily trump (which is patently false), but
also telling the reader that the fine, law-abiding Amish are of no
threat to the bourgeois values that he and his presumptive readers, at
least in their idealized self-conceptions, cherish.  Does anyone think
that the case would have come out the same way if brough, say, by a
group of "old-Mormon" polygamists?  


The article also mentions that some prosecutors are hesitant to
prosecute Amish.  I'm not sure if Amish vote (although I doubt it)
_______________________
The Amish simply want to be left alone.  I believe they view outside
life as irredeemably corrupt and have no interest in participating in
it
in any way.  This might, incidentally, be contrasted with the Satmar
Hasids, who most definitely are remarkably skilled politicians.


but even if they don't perhaps the motivation is (as the article
explains) the desire to protect a lucrative (to the State) tourist
industry.  That too is a political problem, not a constitutional one.
It
explains why police conduct drug raids in inner city communities and
not
at Wall Street or Hollywood holiday parties where the drug laws are no
doubt violated openly and disdainfully.
_________________________
It all depends what one means by "constitutional problems."  After
all,
one can take a "Law Day" view of "the rights Americans have,"
including
citation to many inspiring Supreme Court opinions or, in contrast,
look
at the "law-in-action" and then try to ask why it is that so many
ostensible constitutional rights are quite hollow.  I.e., does a
"constitution" really-and-truly "constitute," or does it, at times,
serve as a kind of PR device by which elites profess commitments to
values that they do not in fact intend to enforce across the board?  





Your post ends by noting that we know little about the Amish or
hasidim
and are reduced to arguing "whether the FE Clause gives them a pass
from
any genuine monitoring by the "external" legal order."   I am
certainly
not as up on the caselaw as you are, but wonder which cases concern
"genuine monitoring by the "external" legal order."  Not the KJ cases
or
Yoder, which are education cases.  Lukumi is closer, but it concerned
the applicability of a particular law, not an exemption from "general
monitoring" by the "legal order."  
______________________________________________
Kiryal Joel probably is not a "monitoring" case.  Yoder, I think, is
much closer, insofar as one purpose (and, even more certainly,
function)
of public (or what Rick Duncan always calls "government") schools is
to
mold a citizen fit for participation in our particular kind of social
order (for better and worse).  


Has there really been a Supreme Court case in the past several decades
that seriously considered the question of exempting religious
believers
from the American legal system? 
_________________________
Full and complete exemption, certainly not.  But I take it that the
question of *some* level of exemption is what was behind RFRA (which I
supported) and, therefore, Boerne.  

Sandy levinson






 
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-- 
Paul Finkelman
Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 East 4th Place
Tulsa, OK   74104-3189

918-631-3706 (office)
918-631-2194 (fax)

[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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