Eugene,

I believe that the idea of revoking the Catholic Church's tax-exemption
because of their all-male priesthood is fraught with constitutional
problems (for some of the reasons already stated by others).  But I am
more interested in your statement, which I agree with, concerning such
revocation being undesirable as a policy matter.  This implies that the
public benefits of enforcing certain anti-discrimination laws against
the church are outweighed by something else.  I am curious to know the
policy reasons you had in mind.

-Roger Severino




-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 3:40 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE:
StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidiscr
iminationlaws

        Now this I'm not sure I quite grasp.  Why is the state's
judgment that the Catholic Church discriminates based on sex in hiring
clergy -- followed by the application of a (hypothetical) generally
applicable rule that sex-discriminatory groups aren't entitled to tax
exemption (a rule, incidentally, that I wouldn't endorse as a policy
matter) -- an "unavoidably theological judgment"?  The Church is neither
secretive nor ambiguous in its men-only rule for the priesthood.

        It's true that the state's decision would contradict the
Church's theological views, but that's true of a vast range of state
decisions.  And it's true that the Church has a constitutional right to
discriminate in choice of clergy; yet the government is not obligated to
subsidize the exercise of constitutional rights.

        Eugene

> -----Original Message-----
> From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
> [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of 
> Newsom Michael
> Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 12:09 PM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: RE: State 
> RFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoanti
> discriminationlaws
> 
> 
> In this particular, specific instance, I believe that the 
> answer is "yes."  Otherwise, the state winds up making what 
> are essentially and unavoidably theological judgments.  That 
> is not true in the other examples that you give.
> 
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
> Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 2:25 PM
> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> Subject: RE: State RFRA 
> andnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidisc
> rimination
> laws
> 
>       I actually agree that religious groups should have a 
> right to discriminate in choice of clergy, much as 
> nonreligious groups should generally have a right to 
> discriminate in choice of leaders, speakers, and members (see 
> Boy Scouts v. Dale).  (The precise contours of the two rights 
> may be somewhat different, but the underlying reasons for 
> them, and their existence, are in my view quite related.)  
> Yet the question still remains whether the government has an 
> obligation to help subsidize this discriminatory practice, by 
> waiving nondiscrimination conditions attached to various 
> benefits (e.g., tax exemptions) that the groups seek.
> 
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> > [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of 
> > Newsom Michael
> > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 11:21 AM
> > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > Subject: RE: State RFRA 
> > andnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjections 
> > toantidiscrimination laws
> > 
> > 
> > My point is that the ministerial exception should be 
> broadly construed
> > and applied.   In the specific context of clergy, the state 
> should not
> > quickly or easily claim that a religious organization is
> > ineligible for a subsidy if it is guilty of what the state 
> > claims is discrimination.
> > 
> > The question is not really about discrimination, it is about
> > discrimination in the context of selecting clergy.  Because 
> > of this, then there are some serious First Amendment issues 
> > that have to be considered.  Hence a liberal and broad 
> > application of the exception seems to make sense.  
> > 
> > If the question were about child marriage, or renting
> > apartments the result might be different.  Surely there is 
> > something rather unique and special about the relation 
> > between a religious community and its clergy, something not 
> > found in your examples. 
> > 
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: Volokh, Eugene [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> > Sent: Friday, March 03, 2006 12:23 PM
> > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
> > Subject: RE: State RFRA and 
> > nonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjections to 
> > antidiscrimination laws
> > 
> >     Well, I was using the secular law definition of
> > discrimination, which (at least insofar as it's relevant 
> > here) is pretty much Stevens's test in Manhart:  Does the 
> > institution "treat[] a person in a manner which but for that 
> > person's sex would be different"?  If Jesus Christ 
> > deliberately chose only men as apostles, then that was 
> > discrimination -- obviously not illegal either then or now 
> > (now because they weren't paid, and thus weren't his 
> > employees), but that's a separate question than whether it's 
> > discrimination.  By way of analogy, consider a landlord who 
> > refuses to rent to unmarried couples or same-sex couples, 
> > because he believes that renting to them would constitute 
> > aiding and abetting fornication or homosexual conduct.  He 
> > may not see his conduct as discrimination, just as compliance 
> > with God's will.  Yet discrimination it is.
> > 
> >     Nor am I quite sure why it would be unconstitutional
> > for the state to "indulge in" or "act upon" such statements 
> > (i.e., that selecting priests based on sex is 
> > discrimination).  If the claim is that it expresses 
> > disapproval of a faith to condemn as illegal conduct that 
> > mirrors what the faith's holy figures do, that can't be quite 
> > right. That Jesus was said to have driven the moneylenders 
> > from the Temple doesn't mean that such conduct would be 
> > constitutionally protected if conducted by a religious person 
> > (or a church official or even a self-described Messiah) 
> > today.  Mohammed's marriage to a child bride may have been 
> > perfectly proper by the standards of the time and place in 
> > which he lived, but it doesn't mean that secular law can't 
> > ban it today; it can ban it, even if such conduct is being 
> > performed as a religious sacrament.
> > 
> >     If the claim is that denying subsidies to a religious
> > group because it fails to satisfy a general condition 
> > attached to subsidy is unconstitutional or a RFRA violation, 
> > that's less implausible.  Yet I wonder why we should take 
> > this view.  The government subsidizes all sorts of things 
> > because of its own reasons.  It subsidizes public schools, 
> > but not private religious schools, even though educating 
> > one's child in a pervasively religious atmosphere may be a 
> > sacrament to some people.  It subsidizes child care, but not 
> > people who stay home to raise their children, even though 
> > that's a sacrament to some people, too.  It subsidizes 
> > (through tax exemption) nonlobbying, nonelectioneering 
> > nonprofit speech but not lobbying or electioneering nonprofit 
> > speech. Why can't it equally choose to subsidize those 
> > nonprofits that don't discriminate, but not those that do 
> > discriminate (even though the latter may have a 
> > constitutional right to discriminate, just as parents have 
> > the right to send their kids to private schools, and just as 
> > groups have the right to lobby or electioneer)?
> > 
> >     Eugene
> > 
> > Michael Newsom writes:
> > 
> > > 1) To say that a religious organization chooses its clergy
> > > "discriminatorily" requires some serious and sober 
> consideration of 
> > > the theology of that organization.  The exemption ought to apply 
> > > broadly if only to keep secular entities out of an area in 
> > which they
> > > have precious little expertise (quite apart from any
> > consideration of
> > > any constitutional norms).  To say that the refusal to 
> ordain women 
> > > is "discrimination" without consideration of the context begs the 
> > > question. One could just as easily say that Jesus Christ 
> > > discriminated against women by only choosing men as 
> apostles.  For 
> > > the state to indulge in such statements -- and to act 
> upon them -- 
> > > is precisely what the Religion Clauses prohibit.  To subsidize 
> > > religious organizations that ordain women and to refuse 
> to subsidize 
> > > religious organizations that do not is to establish a 
> preference for
> > > some religions over others. Doesn't that offend the 
> > > non-establishment principle?  If, of course, one chooses not 
> > > to recognize that religion and religious institutions occupy 
> > > a special place in the constitutional order, then perhaps the 
> > > violation is not so clear.  But it is a mistake not to 
> > > recognize the special constitutional importance of religion, 
> > > and hence, a mistake not to recognize that such differential 
> > > treatment offends the principle. 
> > _______________________________________________
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> > _______________________________________________
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> _______________________________________________
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