What is the relevance of Gilmore v. City of Montgomery,417 US 556 which
held that cities need not,indeed could not, exclude racially segregated
schools from non-exclusive use of public parks so long as there was no
lingering state action. .The Court seems to have held held that to do so
would violate the associational  rights of segregation academies.Some of
the examples cited by the court of impermissible exclusions from public
spaces,trenching on freedom of association,we would call public fora of
various kinds.
Marc

________________________________

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Scarberry, Mark
Sent: Tuesday, May 11, 2010 1:21 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: A real-life on-campus example



Hastings' initial policy prevented CLS from "discriminating" on
religious grounds but did not prevent political groups from
"discriminating" on political grounds. (As Michael McConnell's brief
pointed out, with quotes from, if I remember correctly, Larry Tribe,
Justice Brennan, and Justice O'Connor, the ability to choose those who
determine an expressive association's message is integral to the freedom
of expressive association and constitutive of the expressive
associational group; considering it to be discrimination in the way we
ordinarily use that term is a category error.) Probably because it
realized that such a policy was indefensible, Hastings tried to switch
to an all-comers policy that supposedly would apply to all groups. That
all comers policy is the one Doug is referencing as being egregiously
unconst as to both political and religious groups. The record seems to
support the view that Hastings continued to apply its original policy
against CLS, along with the all-comers policy, though one could argue
that the latter encompasses the former. The record also shows no
enforcement of the all comers policy against groups, including Hastings
Outlaw, that had provisions in their constitutions requiring officers to
support the group's mission.

 

Mark Scarberry

Pepperdine

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Sanford
Levinson
Sent: Tuesday, May 11, 2010 10:06 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: A real-life on-campus example

 

Doug may very well be right, but I must say that plowing through the
oral argument didn't highlight the difference between CLS and, say, the
Young Democrats.  If Hastings is indeed selecting out religious groups
for special "all comers" non-discrimination with regard to eligibility
for leadership positions, then I agree it's a no brainer.  

 

sandy

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Douglas Laycock
Sent: Tuesday, May 11, 2010 12:01 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: RE: A real-life on-campus example

 

CLS does not claim that it should be treated differently from political
groups.  Hastings' written rule treated religious groups differently,
because it prohibited religious discrimination but did not prohibit
political discrimination. The only groups that could not organize around
a viewpoint were religious group.  It's all comers rule is egregiously
unconstitutional as to political groups as well as to religious groups.

Quoting Sanford Levinson <slevin...@law.utexas.edu>:

> I can't figure out exactly why religious groups deserve to be treated 
> differently from, say, the young Democrats or Republicans or the 
> Sierra Club.  The Constitution says not that we have to treat 
> religion differently, but, rather, that we have to keep engaging in 
> an endless conversation about the interplay of religion and state.  
> Sometimes that might require "different" treatment, as in 
> accommodating people who are unwilling to work on Saturday.  Note, 
> though, that the Court, rightly or wrongly, refused to extend the 
> "conscientious objector" accommodation to a serious Catholic who was 
> opposed only to the Vietnam War (on "just war" grounds).  Nor, of 
> course, was the Court generous to Native Americans either in Lyng or 
> Smith, both of which, I have to say, seemed more appealing, on their 
> facts, than the CLS case. But none of these cases really involved the 
> "freedom of association" arguments that are really at the heart of 
> the argument.
>
> Am I correct, incidentally, that the principle being advocated for 
> would allow any religious society to restrict its leadership to males 
> if it had a religious principle that only men were fit for such 
> roles?  Judge (now Professor) McConnell seemed to emphasize the 
> belief-status distinction in his argument, but I'm not sure I 
> understand it when the justification for status discrimination is a 
> sincere (and quite traditional, often) religious belief.  The 
> argument that "we, as a society" have decided that race and 
> sex/gender are just different from other categories of 
> differentiation certainly can't hold, at least for the latter, since 
> I'm confident that McConnell (and, I suspect, almost everybody on 
> this list) would not allow a Title VII-like action against the 
> Catholic Church or Orthodox Judaism or even strip those religions of 
> their tax exemption because of their blatant sexism.
>
> Having read the oral argument, incidentally, I do wonder if there 
> will be an effort simply to dismiss it as improvidently granted, 
> given that most of the time seemed to have been spent on trying to 
> figure out what exactly were the facts and the relationship between 
> various stipulations and "written policies" of the Law School.
>
> sandy
>
> -----Original Message-----
> From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
> [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Lisa A. 
> Runquist
> Sent: Tuesday, May 11, 2010 11:29 AM
> To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
> Subject: Re: A real-life on-campus example
>
>
> On 5/10/2010 8:21 PM, Steven Jamar wrote:
>> Religion and religious organizations are different from other
>> organizations.  The constitution says we need to treat religion
>> differently.  Unless we decide that speech and association and equal
>> treatment principles trump the religion clauses, we need to give them
>> effect somehow -- both the free exercise and establishment clauses.
>>
> And the constitution does not say that religious organizations are to
be
> treated worse than all other groups.  The government cannot establish
> religion, but it also cannot prohibit the free exercise of religion.
> Yet that, it seems to me, is exactly what the college is trying to do
here.
>
>> What would be the result if the university made an exception for
>> religious organizations -- then it is not treating the religious
>> organization equally.
> As long as all religious organizations are treated the same way, then
> there is no violation.  If, for example, it allowed CLS to meet but
> prohibited a Muslim group from meeting, then this would be not
treating
> the religious organizations equally.
>
> Lisa
>
> --
> Lisa A. Runquist
> Runquist&  Associates
> Attorneys at Law
> 17554 Community Street
> Northridge, CA 91325
> (818)609-7761
> (818)609-7794 (fax)
> l...@runquist.com
> http://www.runquist.com
>
>
>
> _______________________________________________
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> _______________________________________________
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>
>

 

Douglas Laycock
Yale Kamisar Collegiate Professor of Law
University of Michigan Law School
625 S. State St.
Ann Arbor, MI  48109-1215
  734-647-9713

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