I have to respectfully disagree with Chip on this point. The concerns about 
unacceptably burdening non-beneficiaries that  justify restricting legislative 
accommodations don't disappear when the accommodation is constitutionally 
mandated. Courts commonly take these concerns into account in engaging in 
definitional balancing to determine the scope of rights.

The ministerial exception is more complicated, as Chip notes, because it is 
justified in part by Establishment Clause concerns. Thus, under my argument, 
the same constitutional provision  would both justify a ministerial exception 
as well as suggest limits as to its scope. That may be uncommon, but it is 
hardly unprecedented. Religious liberty (free exercise) interests may fall on 
both sides of a line and both support an accommodation as well as support 
limits on its scope. The same is true for the Establishment Clause (which, for 
example, promotes both religious liberty and religious equality values which 
are sometimes in conflict.)

It is also true that the Court does not engage in explicit interest balancing 
in Establishment clauses in the sense that it does not apply conventional 
standards of review. But it does engage in constitutional interest balancing 
when it determines the scope of Establishment Clause principles. Thus, for 
example, in determining the extent to which government may subsidize religious 
institutions, the Court was clearly concerned that some restrictions on 
government support would unreasonably burden religious institutions by denying 
them assess to generally available benefits.  I don't believe that 
Establishment clause line drawing is devoid of judicial attention to the 
consequences of the Court's decisions.

Chip is correct that the Court does not focus on the cost to third parties in 
the hosanna-Tabor opinion. It does in the last paragraph, however, note the 
importance of employment discrimination laws, the interest of religious groups 
in choosing who will preach their beliefs, and its conclusion that the First 
Amendment has struck the balance for us. I do not read that language to suggest 
that the Court will ignore other constitutional concerns or important state 
interests in determining that balance in future cases that set the contours of 
the ministerial exception.

Alan

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Ira Lupu
Sent: Friday, January 13, 2012 11:38 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Hosanna-Tabor

Alan Brownstein writes that there is "arguably a constitutional check on an 
excessively broad understanding of the [ministerial] exception. Several 
Establishment Clause cases make it clear that religious accommodations that 
impose unacceptably large burdens on nonbeneficiaries are subject to challenge. 
That concern should operate in tension with the Religion Clause concerns 
supporting the exception."

But the cases to which Alan refers are about permissive accommodations (e.g., 
Caldor, Cutter, Zorach), which are themselves challenged as violations of the 
Establishment Clause.  The ministerial exception, the Court says, itself rests 
in part on the Establishment Clause, and is mandatory, not permissive.  If the 
Court had repudiated the exception, and a legislature had then reinstated it as 
a permissive accommodation, then the concern for non-beneficiaries would of 
course come into play.

What's different about the context of the ministerial exception is that it 
involves an Establishment Clause-driven benefit (not a detriment, like a 
funding limitation) to religious institutions (with consequent risk of harm to 
others).   But the mandatory quality of the exception undercuts Alan's point.  
No one on the Court suggested any balancing of the potential social disutility 
(which the government pressed as an argument) of the exception -- including 
harm to third parties, not just the employee-plaintiff.   This is one of the 
reasons why the Court's unanimity is so stark and surprising, and this is also 
a reason why the Establishment Clause grounding is so important -- we do not 
have any doctrine of explicit interest-balancing in Establishment Clauses.  And 
drawing the line re: who is a ministerial employee will have nothing to do with 
the scope of non-beneficiary interests -- everything about the Court's opinion 
suggests that Ms. Perich would have been found to be a ministerial employee 
even if she had been fired for reporting to the police about physical abuse of 
children at the school.

Chip
On Fri, Jan 13, 2012 at 11:54 AM, Alan Brownstein 
<aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu<mailto:aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu>> wrote:
Most constitutionally protected liberties are a zero sum game in Marci's sense. 
They impose a cost on the general public or particular third parties by 
preventing laws that often protect or benefit people from being fully 
implemented. There is no free lunch and rights are expensive political goods.

But Marci us clearly correct that their is a cost to the ministerial exception 
and the broader it is defined the greater that cost will be.

Moreover, their is arguably a constitutional check on an excessively broad 
understanding of the exception. Several Establishment Clause cases make it 
clear that religious accommodations that impose unacceptably large burdens on 
nonbeneficiaries are subject to challenge. That concern should operate in 
tension with the Religion Clause concerns supporting the exception.

Reasonable people may disagree on where that line should be drawn and how that 
balance should be struck.

Alan

________________________________________
From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>] 
on behalf of Marci Hamilton [hamilto...@aol.com<mailto:hamilto...@aol.com>]
Sent: Friday, January 13, 2012 6:52 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Hosanna-Tabor
I have no doubt whatsoever that Doug is sincere when he talks about his 
commitment to "civil liberties more generally," but Hosanna-Tabor is the 
clearest case to date showing
that religious liberty is a zero sum game.  For increases in the rights of 
religious organizations, there are concomitant losses for the victims of the 
organizations' acts.
The victims of disability, alienage, race, and gender discrimination are now 
likely incapable of vindicating their civil rights if they are
clergy, or ministers, or according to some on our list, lay teachers in 
parochial schools.  That is a large quantum loss of civil rights on any scale.

I suppose those taking Doug's view believe that the loss is justified.  
Justification, however, does not obviate the fact of the loss.   I can assure 
you that Petruska, Perich, and Rweyemamu
do not view this decision as a vindication for civil rights.

With respect to Smith, given the Court's own statements about Smith in 
Hosanna-Tabor and O Centro, it is entrenched at the Court.

Marci
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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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