My post was descriptive, not normative. In addition to the two cases, Michael 
mentions there have been several state RFRA cases decided since 2000. Several 
of Christopher Lund’s articles describe these cases. I see no pattern that 
provides a narrative to explain those cases. Chris doesn’t either – although I 
think he believes, as I do, that these laws are useful in ad hoc circumstances 
to protect religious liberty.

Perhaps Michael is suggesting that there doesn’t need to be a narrative 
identifying real world problems to justify new RFRA laws. I think the 
narratives I described were very helpful before 2000. Certainly proponents of 
state RFRA bills back then talked about these issues a lot. And legislators at 
least acted as if they wanted to understand the problems that needed to be 
addressed by the proposed law.

Maybe a narrative isn’t necessary today and the utility of state RFRA bills 
should be self-evident. I am struck, however, by the difficulty state 
proponents of these laws seem to experience in explaining why these laws are so 
important if their goal is not to permit discrimination against the LGBT 
community. I have not heard anyone argue that the reason for a state RFRA is 
that the state needs to replicate O Centro and Hobby Lobby at the state level.

I think state RFRA bills are defensible, although I would exclude civil rights 
laws from their coverage and try to deal with possible exemptions from such 
laws through separate legislation. I am far less confident that I can provide a 
justification for my views that would be adopted by legislators or persuasive 
to voters.  To do that – particularly when concerns about LGBT discrimination  
are so obvious and salient – may require a real world narrative.

Alan

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Michael Worley
Sent: Monday, March 28, 2016 1:58 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Arizona, Indiana . . . and now Georgia

Well, we've had two major RFRA cases-- O Centro and Hobby Lobby-- since 2000; 
surely replicating those victories for state claimants does not reflect a focus 
on LGBT issues.  likewise, pre-2000 RFRA cases at the state court level could 
likewise be used, even if it is true that no such cases have emerged post-2000.

I'm not suggesting every state RFRA should be designed to follow how past RFRAs 
have been applied, but such broad and formerly almost universally praised 
legislation should be defensible without discussing a relatively narrow aspect 
of it as the bill's reason for being.

On Mon, Mar 28, 2016 at 2:34 PM, Alan E Brownstein 
<aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu<mailto:aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu>> wrote:
Based purely on anecdotal information, I think this issue is based more on 
timing than on legislative history. I worked on the attempt to get a state RFRA 
passed in California in 1998. The bill passed both houses of the legislature -- 
controlled by the Democrats -- only to be vetoed by the Republican governor.

While proponents of the bill made the basic abstract arguments in favor of the 
bill – explaining why free exercise rights should apply against neutral laws of 
general applicability – the two narratives which were most salient and which 
seemed most persuasive involved land use regulation problems and the 
difficulties houses of worship experienced in the zoning process and the 
problems experienced by inmates trying to practice  their faith in prison.

With the passage of RLUIPA in 2000, both of these narratives have been taken 
off the table. As far as I know there is no pattern of state RFRA cases or 
religious liberty disputes supporting an alternative narrative to justify new 
state RFRA laws since 2000 other than those involving discrimination against 
the LGBT community. That is why proponents of new RFRA bills see, e.g. the 
Governor of Indiana, seem so befuddled when they are asked to explain the 
problems the law is supposed to solve – if it isn’t designed to accommodate 
religious objectors to same-sex marriage or other LGBT rights.

Alan Brownstein

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>]
 On Behalf Of Michael Worley
Sent: Monday, March 28, 2016 12:26 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Arizona, Indiana . . . and now Georgia

Question for list members:

What language and/or legislative history would you look for in a bill that has 
in order to consider it having the same intent as the original RFRA, and other 
state RFRAs that were passed absent the LGBT controversy now present?

On Mon, Mar 28, 2016 at 1:18 PM, Marty Lederman 
<lederman.ma...@gmail.com<mailto:lederman.ma...@gmail.com>> wrote:
https://gov.georgia.gov/press-releases/2016-03-28/transcript-deal-hb-757-remarks-0

The bill:

http://www.legis.ga.gov/Legislation/20152016/161054.pdf

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--
Michael Worley
J.D., Brigham Young University

_______________________________________________
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--
Michael Worley
J.D., Brigham Young University
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