South Asia Citizens Wire | March 17-19, 2007 | Dispatch No. 2379 - Year 9 [1] Nepal: From Maoism to tourism (Prabin Gautam In Rolpa) [2] Why Musharraf Survives (Pervez Hoodbhoy) [3] India: Left Wing Capitalism and Infantile Disorder - Odd Man Out (Seema Mustafa) - Left intellectuals slam SEZ policy [4] India: Mad Mullah's again threaten Taslima Nasreen : - Call to Kill (Times of India) - Muslim group sets Rs 5 lakh on Taslima (Manjari Mishra) [5] Fear of Sex and Indian Values: - Madhya Pradesh's BJP Govt Stops Sex education - MP Cong sees 'indecency' in AIDS campaign (Milind Ghatwai) [6] Books: (i) Operation Wheeljam (Tariq Ali) (ii) In the Making: Identity Formation in South Asia (Meeto) [7] Events: Peoples' Tribunal on the Rise of Fascist Forces in India (New Delhi, 20-22 March)
____ [1] Nepali Times #340 (16 March 07 - 22 March 07) FROM MAOISM TO TOURISM Rolpa may show the world how to make a revolution a tourist attraction Prabin Gautam In Rolpa REVOLUTIONARY TREK: The trail from Tila and Thalsang under a foot of snow last month. For a decade now, Nepal's tourism entrepreneurs have thought of tourism in terms of trekking to Khumbu, sightseeing in Kathmandu, and boating on Phewa. It's time to push the envelope and define adventure tourism in a whole new way. Some trekking groups are already travelling to Rolpa and Rukum to combine trekking with the publicity generated by Nepal's Maoist insurgency. Even during the conflict, trekkers used to look forward to encounters with Maoists and took home receipts of Maoist 'revolutionary tax' as souvenirs. "There is a surprising level of interest in visiting these areas," says a Japanese tour leader, "people want to know what it looks like in a Maoist base area." Contrary to the belief that most tourists are cautious, trekking agencies in Kathmandu specialising in French and Japanese tourists say they have lots of queries about visiting mid-western Nepal or other regions like Rara, Dhorpatan, and Phoksundo that were out of bounds because of the insurgency. Because of the ceasefire, bookings are strong this year for off-the-beaten trek destinations like Budi Gandaki, Manasulu circuit, and Kangchenjunga, which had seen a sharp drop in visitors because of the conflict. To be sure, the facilities on the Rolpa trek can be rudimentary-a bit like the Langtang trail 20 years ago. Even so, the terrain is harsh but spectacularly scenic, especially with the unprecedented snowfall this winter. The people are unexposed to the outside world in this remote area and therefore very hospitable. PRABIN GAUTAM Trekkers to the mid-west also get a sense of satisfaction from helping these war-torn districts recover, that their money is generating employment, and helping the area return to normal. Taking a bus from Dang up to Tila, it is a two day walk to Thabang. This is the cradle of the Maoist revolution and was partially flattened in aerial bombardment by the army in 2002. A road is being built to Thabang, and it may be good idea to get to go there before the road does. The road has several landslides because of construction, but the route has some dramatic vantage points for scenery. There are private tea houses, and also Maoist-run cooperatives, which offer food and lodging, but no beer or alcohol. Food is cheaper here than most parts of rural Nepal: Rs 35 for a plate of rice and vegetables and overnight lodging is usually free if you eat in the shop. "During the war, the party paid us to feed the guerrillas and cadre who passed through," remembers Comrade Zamana who runs a cooperative restaurant, "but now we have to run it like a business. It would be good if more tourists came through." When we get to Thabang, we asked Comrade Inkar, the town's Maoist headman, if Americans are welcome. "Why not," he replied, "we will welcome them like we have welcomed them in the past." Suddenly turning serious, he added: "But their intention should be pure." Inkar said lots of foreigners including Americans have visited Thabang, but admitted most of them were journalists. The Maoists are trying to make the revolution itself a tourist attraction, and Inkar tells us Thabang is being established as a model commune. Phone lines have been repaired and there will soon be electricity in Thabang. Just like Mao-chic has become a tourist attraction in China, Rolpa's revolutionary songs and dances can also bring employment and income to local cultural troupes. After all, Rolpa has everything: scenic mountains, a rich folk tradition, and revolution. _____ [2] WHY MUSHARRAF SURVIVES by Pervez Hoodbhoy Recent threats by the Bush administration to cut off billions of dollars in aid to Pakistan have sparked panic in government circles. Likewise, according to the Pakistani ambassador in Washington, military strikes by the US aimed at Al-Qaida and Taliban havens inside Pakistan's tribal areas would destabilise Pakistan and possibly could bring General Pervez Musharraf down. But how worried should the Pakistani authorities really be in the face of growing US pressure to root out Islamic militants? Occasional frustrations notwithstanding, it is, in fact, unlikely that the US will turn against a faithful and dependent ally, especially one whose leader enjoys cordial personal relations with Bush. Nor, due to a lack of organised opposition, will public anger at Musharraf's pro-US policy destabilise his regime. Indeed, the wily general-president does not merely survive crisis after crisis, but has thrived in power. How does he do it? The answer lies in a finely honed strategy, perfected over years, that juggles US demands and the inte-rests of local intelligence chiefs, mullahs, tribal leaders, venal politicians, and a host of fortune seekers. Webs of intrigue and murky players obscure details, but the priorities are unmistakable. First, American impatience must be held in check. Pakistan is expected to deliver results on Al-Qaida and the Taliban. However, the pot is not to be emptied all at once. For example, when US vice-president Dick Cheney arrived in Islamabad in early March, threatening an aid cut and direct US action against Islamic militants, his message was not lost. Shortly before his unmarked aircraft landed, Pakistan announced the capture in Quetta of Mullah Obaidullah, deputy to the elusive Taliban chief, Mullah Omar. Obaidullah carried a $1 million reward and was the most senior Taliban captured since November 2001. Obaidullah's capture - carried out reluctantly - underscores the Pakistan military's ambiguous relationship with the Taliban. Despite more than 700 Pakistani combat deaths, many in Musharraf's army wish to retain the Taliban as quasi-allies who, when the Americans leave Afghanistan someday, will give Pakistan the strategic depth it needs against India. Thus, to the chagrin of Afghanistan's president Hamid Karzai, Quetta remains a hub of Taliban opposition to his regime. A second aspect of Musharraf's strategy is to create mutually beneficial relations with Islamists. This is a tricky business. Musharraf cannot permit the mullahs to become too strong. The mullahs, on the other hand, consider Musharraf an agent of the great Satan, America, and thus a traitor to Islam. Nevertheless, Musharraf's men have skilfully fractured the main Islamic opposition party, Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), with bribes, blackmail, and internal dissension fomented by agent provocateurs. As part of the trade-off, terrorist leaders who are officially under house arrest like Maulana Masood Azhar and Hafiz Saeed remain able to open offices, address rallies, and preach jehad freely. Such appeasement carries a price. This is clear in Islamabad, where over the past two months, Kalashnikov-toting students have openly challenged the state, following a government order for the demolition of dozens of illegally built mosques and seminaries. Unnerved by the wild-eyed students, the government faltered, then surrendered. In a dramatic reversal, Musharraf's minister of religious affairs, the son of former dictator General Zia ul-Haq, promised to rebuild damaged mosques and even symbolically laid the first stone at one construction site. The third element of Musharraf's strategy is more positive: he knows that he must do some good, and also be seen doing it. This is crucial for his image as a newly emerged world leader, promising moderate Islam in an ocean of extremism. Some of Musharraf's achievements are significant. Relations with India have improved, the Kashmir insurgency supported by Pakistan has been scaled back, a women's protection Bill was passed in the teeth of Islamic opposition, and a virulent public school curriculum that emphasised jehad and martyrdom has been toned down. But men who live by the gun are willing to die by the gun, and Musharraf is not taking chances. He knows that the real threat to his power - and his life - comes from within his constituency, the military. As a result, he has become obsessed with micromanaging everything from troop movements and special events to postings and promotions, all of which require his personal stamp of approval. Hardline Islamists, favoured previously, are now out, and soldiers charged with mutiny have received the death penalty. Although this has further deepened pro- and anti-US divisions within the army, among both commissioned and non-commissioned officers, Musharraf clearly expects to remain president well beyond the October 2007 elections, as well as to extend further his term of leadership of the army. To achieve this end, whatever needs to be done will be done; principles and rules are elastic. One might have expected the Americans to know better than to bet all on a man who might be gone tomorrow. But, beyond pumping in dollars and supporting Musharraf and his military, the US appears clueless in dealing with Pakistan and its problems of social development. With the defeat of Al-Qaida and the Taliban America's only visible goal, it is no surprise that the US remains enormously unpopular among Pakistanis, forcing Musharraf to maintain his perilous balancing act. The writer teaches at Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad. _____ [3] INDIA'S OFFICIAL LEFT SHOULDNT BECOME A REFUGE FOR THE BOURGEOISIE ! [The state of west Bengal in India has had the unique experience of having the longest running democratically elected communist govt since 1977. It came to power due to the failure of earlier governments to improve the condition of the rural poor that had prompted a Mao-inspired uprising in the countryside. The uprising reflected widespread rural discontent, and once in power, the Communists did more than any other state government in India to break down feudalistic landholding systems, distributing thousands of acres to the poor peasants who worked them. Despite much valid criticism, the official left has definitely been a pole of attraction progressive voices for social change and against communalism. But during this long phase spanning 30 years India's parliamentary left has also come resemble other mainstream political parties and has come to accommodate bureaucratic ways in its functioning. it did little to spur any imaginative alterative industrial development in the state. It has sloganeered to no end on the perils of capitalist globalisation, but has had no practical alternative strategies of its own in West Bengal for the past 15 years. Now its suddenly woken up to capitalist industrialisation a la chinese that is being peddled as 'the panacea' by India's ruling elites; India is not china and India's mainstream left cannot ignore the poor while they have this love affair with multinational and Indian capital. Nandigram is their krondstadt. Far left groupings and the unorganised sectors of India's progressive circles and social movements that have resisted plans for regimented industrialisation by the calcutta communists must'nt romanticise agriculture as holding a golden future for the rural poor. Its time that the left opposition to the official left actively devise blueprints for creative, people friendly, energy efficient and ecologically sound industrial plans for the future for bengal and other regions of India. Popularise these alternative development plans with the rural labouring poor. This will force the official left to open up, rethink and invent. Lets make the official left accountable. But left opposition must take clear social distance from the rag tag opportunists of the right i.e. a trinamul, the congress and devious hindutva (or Islamtva) lot who are having a great time with blood spilt in Nandigram . --hk ] o o o Asian age March 19, 2007 ODD MAN OUT by Seema Mustafa There are two reactions overflowing from the Nandigram firing. One, led by the BJP/Congress/Trinamul Congress/Jamaat-e-Islami that is exultant that the Left citadel has finally been shaken, with all groups lining up to hammer in what they hope will be amongst the last nails in the Left coffin. The second, of deep dismay and apprehension that extends through the Left cadres, to their supporters, and to those sections of civil society that can look beyond the politics of opportunism to realise that a weakened Left today will rob Indian pluralism and democracy of an important shield in the struggle against communalism and imperialism. This not to say that what has happened in Nandigram is acceptable. Police firing on the poor has to be condemned in the strongest possible terms. There can be no excuse whatsoever for killing the poor, and the West Bengal government should have realised that once the police was sent with rubber and real bullets to Nandigram, violence would follow. Chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has clearly stopped feeling the pulse of the people who have voted the Left Front back to power, without interruption, for decades. His attempts at globalisation have moved out of the realm of statements that had invited great admiration from Congress and BJP stalwarts, to direct action against the people coming in the way. It has begun to appear that he regards the urban middle class as his constituency and not the traditional peasant base that is being targeted in what he justifies as much-needed industrialisation. There are no two views that the limited land holdings cannot feed the expanding peasant families for too long. But there can also be no two views, that acquisition of land cannot be done through force. The West Bengal government at least is expected to convince the peasants through direct dialogue, to ensure that all are more than adequately compensated before taking over the precious land for the special economic zone or whatever else the chief minister has in mind. The West Bengal peasant, unlike his brethren in other northern states, has under communist rule been radicalised sufficiently to know his rights and fight for them. He cannot be pushed under through the use of force, and it is surprising that the chief minister is seeking to do precisely what his personal supporters in the BJP, Congress, Rashtriya Janata Dal etc., have been doing against the farmers for decades now. The difference is that in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, the poor farmer is marginalised and oppressed, he does not know his rights, and even if he does, he does not have the wherewithal to fight for these. In West Bengal he has been educated and empowered by the Left government that has now, unfortunately, been placed at the receiving end by its chief minister. Interestingly, those holding up the proceedings in Parliament on the Nandigram violence have taken exceptional care to blame the CPI(M), but to defend Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee. BJP leader L.K. Advani went so far as to say that the chief minister was a good man. Both the BJP and the Congress party see him as the odd man out in the CPI(M) because he has publicly expressed support for their economic policies. Veteran leader Jyoti Basu has taken the chief minister to task in the CPI(M) meeting at Kolkata after the Nandigram violence, and made it clear that the Left coalition could not continue to work in the present fashion. What he might or might not have said is that if the Left continues with the chief minister's anti-farmer, pro-reforms policies in the current fashion, the CPI(M) could lose its bastion, and thus, its influence in national politics. Kerala gives it a government every alternative term, Tripura is a small state, and the Left has not found it easy to grow in the other states. West Bengal, thus, remains crucial for the Left movement in this country and a chief minister that cannot strengthen it should be seen as expendable. Those looking on with dismay include those in the CPI(M). Discipline makes them silent, but they are finding it difficult to justify the violence on their own people. The excuses being offered by the state government so far are not acceptable, as these do not withstand scrutiny and definitely do not explain the human tragedy. Today, Indian polity has reached a point where democracy, secularism, pluralism make little sense to the politicians of the BJP, Congress and most of the regional parties. The Left alone has shown the commitment, and even the dedication, to speak up for what is right. So there is a certain apprehension about the future of the nation if the CPI(M) weakens and is unable to remain in a position to influence Parliament. This is what the other political parties along with the big powers are striving for, and this is what the Left has to resist. But it can do so only when its own house is in order. Of course, Lalu Prasad Yadav who is speaking as loudly as the Congress and the BJP today on such issues, encouraged caste based violence in Bihar, pitting citizens against each other through exclusivist politics. The BJP is not in a position to even whisper on issues of violence, being the perpetrator of hate crimes all over the country. The Congress party, unable to even spell the word "secularism," today is leading a government of compromise in all fields and is being made to stop short of a complete, unabashed sell-out only by the influence that the Left parties wield in this government. Be it the issue of secularism, be it the need to focus economic policies on India's poor, be it nonalignment, be it opposition to US and Israel intervention in Indian politics, the Left parties are the only ones speaking out on issues vital for the health and future of India. This is the truth, even for those who do not like to admit it. The BJP and the Congress have lost their voice a long time ago, one seeks power through hate filled propaganda and divisive politics, and the other seeks to remain in power by paying lip service and little else to the politics of secularism, equity and justice. One has seen the politics of the Mamata Banerjees and her ilk on the streets, and this is definitely not designed to steer India towards stability and prosperity. The Jamaat-e-Islami and now the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind that is fast losing its basic character after the death of Maulana Madani, are parties now fired with political ambitions and have made it their duty to attack the CPI(M) as the ruling party in West Bengal that has the support of the majority of the Muslims. These two fundamentalist parties are bound to jump in whenever there is such an issue, and encouraged by others, are now visible in West Bengal seeking to colour all issues - even Nandigram - with a Muslim fanatical bias. It is imperative, thus, for the CPI(M) to take honest stock of the situation and not defend what is really the indefensible. The answer does not lie in replacing the poor of one party by the cadres of another, but in directly addressing the issue without prejudice and arrogance, and resolving the matter in a manner that there is no room left for other political parties to exploit. It does not seem that the present chief minister can do it, in which case he should be made expendable. If he can, he must demonstrate through direct remedial action that the farmers are his first priority, and that industrialisation will be dependent on their will and consent. The police attack on the hapless farmers will have large scale repercussions, and the issue will not be allowed to die down by the vested political interests looking for a foothold in West Bengal. Instead of blaming and accusing them, it is now for the Left parties to hunker down, not break ranks, and set into motion a series of bold measures to regain what they have lost, and to build bridges with the affected poor regardless of political affiliations. One cannot condemn the poor because they owe allegiance to a political rival, wisdom and good politics lie in winning them over. o o o LEFT INTELLECTUALS SLAM SEZ POLICY ibnlive.com Posted Monday , March 19, 2007 at 23:29 Updated Tuesday , March 20, 2007 at 00:17 SEZ MOVE: social activists say SEZ has led to displacement of people and civil strife. New Delhi: Left intellectuals and social activists on Monday slammed the Central and state governments for promoting Special Economic Zones (SEZ). They said the SEZ has led to displacement of people and civil strife. Historians like Sumit Sarkar, Tanika Sarkar and social activists Praful Bidwai, Arjun Sen Gupta and Vandana Shiva demanded immediate scrapping of the 'anti-labour' SEZ Act. "SEZs are an altogether distorted path of industrial development and cannot be of any interest to the vast majority of the common masses of the country," PTI quoted a resolution adopted at the seminar. According the resolution, SEZs will be utilised only for promoting Export Oriented Units of industrial activities, real estates and amusement parks besides will also encourage shifting of industrial units from the present sites so that they can enjoy tax relaxation. "The state governments are competing amongst themselves for offering several undue advantages to the investors without caring a little for the land losers and the environmental or ecological concerns," it said. The resolution accused the Centre of being indifferent in protecting rights and interests of poor and the marginalised and diluting even the National Rehabilitation Policy based on the draft circulated by the Rural Development Ministry. "The Central government is surprisingly reluctant even to honour its own draft in an overenthusiastic ugly attempt to serve the interests of big capitalists, both national and multinational," it said. (With agency inputs) ______ [4] MAD MULLAH'S AND TASLIM NASREEN The Times of India 20 Mar, 2007 Editorial CALL TO KILL It is important that the government punishes the leaders of the obscure outfit that has put a price for Taslima Nasreen's life. A few months ago, when a UP minister announced a bounty on the Danish cartoonists who were accused of insulting the Prophet, we argued in these columns that the minister had committed a criminal offence and should be arrested. But the state did not act as Yakoob Qureshi basked in the glory of his threat to emerge as yet another spokesperson for social conservatism. It is possible that the leaders of the All India Ibtehad Council (AIIC), the body that has called for the head of the Bangladeshi writer, also nourishes political ambitions. Demagoguery and goondaism pay in Indian politics. However, these considerations should not prevent the government from acting. The threat to Taslima should be viewed as an incitement to murder. It is a challenge to the Indian state which is bound by the Constitution to preserve law and order. Taslima, who had to flee her country following death threats, is currently living in India. There is talk of India giving Taslima citizenship. The bounty offer may be to pre-empt a decision in her favour. What has emboldened fringe groups like the AIIC and politicians like Qureshi is the inaction on the part of the state against open challenges to civil rights. The tendency is not limited to any particular community or group. Over the years, the number of people proscribed by fundamentalism has been on the rise. Outfits like the Bajrang Dal, which want to break inter-religious marriages and ban films like Parzania, reflect the same illiberal sentiment expressed by the AIIC. In fact, the conservative opinion among Hindus and Muslims converges in its hostility to people like Taslima. A woman exposing social hypocrisies is a threat not just to her own religion, but to conservatives in every religion. Religious conservatism does not restrict itself to religious rights, but influences social attitudes to other civil rights. The social mindset retreats further into conservatism when the threat to violence begins to dictate the discourse. Space is denied to individuals who would want to dissent or uphold the right to dissent. The Bajrangis and Qureshis are the face of an ugly conservatism that a democracy should be wary of. The state should not balk at such threats, nor should anyone who cherishes the freedom of speech. o o o The Times of India 18 Mar, 2007 MUSLIM GROUP SETS RS 5 LAKH ON TASLIMA Manjari Mishra [ 17 Mar, 2007 0237hrs IST TIMES NEWS NETWORK ] LUCKNOW: Nearly seven months after UP minister Haji Yakoob Qureshi raised a storm by announcing a reward on the heads of two Danish cartoonists for lampooning the Prophet, a little-known conservative Muslim group on Friday offered a Rs 5 lakh bounty for the head of controversial Bangladeshi author Taslima Nasreen. President of the All India Ibtehad Council, Taqi Raza Khan ordered the elimination (qatal) of the exiled novelist. The decision, he said, had full approval of All India Muslim Personal Law Board (Jadid), a splinter group set up four years ago in Bareilly. Jadid means new. Khan said he had declared a reward of Rs 5 lakh for anyone who killed the "notorious woman". He claimed a core body of the board comprising 150 ulema, lawyers, retired IPS officers, doctors and professors had already passed a resolution on Thursday to oust Nasreen from India. Khan enjoys wide support among the Barelvi sect and the issue is likely to generate heat in coming days, especially with assembly elections round the corner, observers said. Would the decision be reconsidered? Only if "woh mafi mangey, apni sari kitabein jalaye, aur tauba kare (she apologises, burns her books and leaves)," Khan said. What has Nasreen done to ruffle this body? "Yeh aurat behad badzuban hai, aur Shariat par hamla karti rahi hai (this woman has a vicious tongue and has been attacking the Shariat)," said Khan. "We have been hearing that the Indian government is thinking of granting her citizenship. The idea is repugnant to all God-fearing Muslims. If the government does not drive her out within 10 days, all hell will break lose." ______ [5] FEAR OF SEX AND INDIAN VALUES: Times of India MP GOVT STOPS SEX EDUCATION UNDER AEP [ 18 Mar, 2007 1914hrs IST PTI ] BHOPAL: The Madhya Pradesh government has decided to stop imparting sex education in schools under the Adolescence Education Programme. The programme, wherein students of standards IX and XI were being imparted sex education for four days in a year, will not be continued in the current form, official sources said here today. Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan has issued instructions to the school education department to stop its implementation in view of gross graphics and pictorial descriptions used in the course material. In a letter to HRD Minister Arjun Singh, Chouhan said he was "surprised" by the pictures. The course material was not produced before Singh. He would never have sanctioned it. The Centre has completely forgotten Indian traditions and values, the Chief Minister alleged. Instead, the young generation should be imparted education on Yoga and Indian traditions and values, he said in the letter conveying the state government's decision. The AEP, funded by National Aids Control Organisation (NACO), covered 19 districts under the first phase and 11 more were added this year, the sources said. The decision to discontinue it will have no impact on the AIDS control programmes being carried out in the state, they added. o o o Indian Express March 03, 2007 MP CONG SEES 'INDECENCY' IN AIDS CAMPAIGN Milind Ghatwai BHOPAL, MARCH 2: The Sangh Parivar may have earned itself a reputation for prudery, but in Madhya Pradesh, the Congress is giving it a healthy challenge by opposing photographs of human anatomy used in adolescence education programmes in schools, saying it's an insult to the teacher-student relationship. But, as is the case with such campaigns, this latest one too seems to be ill-informed. The sets of photographs the Congress and its students' wing, National Students' Union of India, are objecting to and which they displayed during a protest here yesterday, are not actually meant for students. The kits for the Adolescence Education Programme, run by the National AIDS Control Organisation and UNICEF throughout India, have been available in the state for quite some time. The Flip Chart, which carries the coloured sketches, is part of the kits, which are distributed to teachers after they undergo a four-day training under the programme. The programme was introduced in the state two years ago and under it, Classes IX, X and XI students are given sex education and told about AIDS. "When the Flip Chart is given to teachers they will obviously share it with students. Why should it be given to them in the first place?" asks Congress leader P C Sharma, who led the NSUI protest, noting that the BJP often lectures others on cultural values. Told that the kits had been distributed to all teachers across the country, Sharma's reply was: "We are based in Madhya Pradesh, ruled by the BJP. We don't approve of such education. There are other ways of making children aware of AIDS." Commissioner of Directorate of Public Instructions L S Baghel points out that the kits were meant only for "resource persons" trained under the programme, and were not part of the syllabus nor meant for students. "If teachers themselves are unclear about the subject, how will they educate students?" State Nodal Officer P R Tiwari says students in 30 of the 48 districts in the state were covered under the project, and that the only reason it wasn't extended to all was lack of funds. "Only half the schools in Bhopal and Bhind could be covered as a result." But the Congress claims that some teachers were themselves hesitant to use the kits in the classroom. "Any nude picture would look indecent. Instead of such kits, students should be told that they should abstain from sex till 25 and they would get the message," reasoned a principal of a school for excellence. ______ [6] BOOKS: (i) Dawn March 18, 2007 OPERATION WHEELJAM by Tariq Ali Tariq Ali presents a dramatised version of events leading up to the 1977 miltary coup in Pakistan. The script of a shelved, three-part BBC drama series on the overthrow, trial and execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. INTERIOR. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CHAMBER. NIGHT. One side is full. Opposition benches are empty. Crowded government benches, lacklustre. Lots of yawning and stretching. Neon lights fail to dispel the gloom. There are armed policemen in the chamber. The diplomat's gallery is packed with white and black and a few Chinese faces. In the visitor's gallery we see General Zaman and two unidentified intelligence officers. In the Press Gallery we see Cherry, Lily and others. Cherry and Lily are chatting animatedly. The front bench is occupied by the cabinet with Khalid and Akbar next to Bhutto's empty seat and Whiskey at the other end. Whiskey is slightly tipsy. As a large wall clock strikes midnight, Bhutto enters, dressed immaculately in a summer suit. Whiskey rises to his feet and starts applauding wildly. Others applaud more sedately. Bhutto smiles at Khalid and takes his seat, providing a cue for the speaker. SPEAKER. Honourable members, I welcome you to this special session of Parliament. I am sad that our opposition parties have decided to boycott this session. It reminds me of what our greatest poet, Iqbal, once said ... At this point he catches Bhutto's eye. The leader signals his impatience. SPEAKER (cont'd). I call on the Prime Minister, Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, to address this house. BHUTTO (rises slowly and moves to despatch box). Mr Speaker, honourable members. We are at the political crossroads once again. Our country still bleeding from the wounds of the last war with India, still suffering from the pangs of enforced separation from East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, is being threatened again. For five years this government has tried to build a new Pakistan. Our vision was of a country whose social standards could become comparable to parts of Europe. We wanted, and still want, a society engaged in a permanent war against illiteracy and ignorance, prejudice and obscurantism. A society in which men and women are equals. We have sought to mobilise the collective energies of our people, to give them education and medical aid, to clean the towns, to improve the villages, give every citizen a dignity that is his due. Of course, we haven't achieved this. We always knew it would be a long haul. They always do. The scale of their violence forced us to use the army to restore law and order. The crisis we confront now is serious. Very serious. We could resolve it tomorrow, or this very night, if the actors were all indigenous. Pauses. Pin drop silence. Now his tone changes from a reflective statesman to a more fiery and passionate form of oratory. BHUTTO (cont'd). But I am angry tonight. Because I know that foreign powers are destabilising our country. They never learn. They carry on as before. Cries of 'name them, name them.' BHUTTO (cont'd). You know who they are. So does the opposition. They are the ones who use their currency. CHERRY (whispers to Lily). Beginning of the end. Lily nods sadly. BHUTTO. The opposition is playing with fire. They appeal to the generals to intervene. There are meetings at the American Embassy in Teheran. They dig out old contingency plans and prepare to perpetrate misdeeds against our people. Cries of 'shame, shame.' BHUTTO (cont'd). Yes, it is a cause for shame that people who are supposed to protect our country, defend our borders, are talking to foreign ambassadors. It is an intolerable form of interference in our internal affairs. (Looking at the gallery) Don't treat us as one of your Banana Republics. The bloodhounds are on my trail. After my blood. They killed President Allende in Chile, inaugurating a regime of terror and torture, but they could not do the same in Vietnam. Loud applause. CHERRY (to Lily). He's committing suicide. Some diplomats walk out, followed by Zaman and his aides. Other diplomats are laughing at Bhutto. BHUTTO. The source of our power is invincible. The people. My people harken to me. They are my strength, my iron will, my determination, my conscience. We owe them everything. Without them we are nothing. Nothing. With them we cannot be defeated. Never! There is a prolonged applause. Shouts of 'Long live Chairman Bhutto.' The faithful have now woken up and are enthused. Silence. BHUTTO (cont'd). I want to tell you something. Bhutto pauses. Everyone waits. Expectant hush. Slowly, he takes out of his pocket a two-paged typed letter and holds it up for all to see. CHERRY (quietly). Don't do it, my friend. LILY (transfixed by Bhutto). Too late, Bob. The die is cast. BHUTTO. This is a letter from Mr Cyrus Vance, the American secretary of state. He has the nerve to write to me and suggest a meeting between us to resolve the political crisis in Pakistan. As if we were a pliant satrapy. He could solve our crisis! Shocked gasps. BHUTTO (cont'd). He wants to act on behalf of the opposition, the Pakistan National Alliance. My answer to Vance is simple. No! Prolonged applause. BHUTTO (cont'd). I refuse to barter the sovereignty of my country in this fashion. (Looking up at the gallery) Find someone else to do your dirty work. The party isn't over. * * * * * EXTERIOR. GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS. ISLAMABAD. DAY. Zia and Zaman walk through the courtyard, down steps and through another courtyard. Occasionally nodding and smiling at government officers as they walk by. ZAMAN. The way he talks now. I'm sure he knows. ZIA (grins reassuringly). He suspects. He does not know. ZAMAN. But his speech to the assembly ... ZIA. Hot air. He's concerned. That much he knows. No more. ZAMAN. The attack on the Americans was strong. Too hard. He's never gone so far before. ZIA (grinning). Nor have the Americans. ZAMAN. Sir, you underestimate him. ZIA. I don't think so. ZAMAN. We should despatch him. ZIA. No!At Zero Hour we implement Operation Wheeljam. Zaman and I will take Bhutto. Nizami will supervise mopping-up operations. The whole cabinet and heads of police and security to be dealt with before we take him.ZAMAN. No accidents? ZIA. No. There are dangers. If the people come out for Bhutto, it could get messy. ZAMAN. If the people come out, it means civil war. The army will not hold. Many soldiers will not open fire. Azad knows that well. ZIA. Exactly. Question: will they come out? Perhaps if Bhutto were to appeal to them directly. But Bhutto will not do that. He is relying on a deal with the opposition leaders. And he is not sure if the people will come out for him. ZAMAN. If they did, it might go too far. ZIA. He knows that well. So he will manoeuvre. Not call the people out. And in the ways of manoeuvre, we have more training. ZIA (cont'd). No, the real danger is above. Air force. Air force chiefs like Bhutto. We have not involved them in Operation Wheeljam. Suppose they get wind of our plans. Bomb our tanks. Take Bhutto in safety to air force base. That must be avoided. ZAMAN. Air force strike? That's just impossible, sir. ZIA (quietly). That's very possible. * * * * * INTERIOR. CABINET ROOM. NIGHT. The door slowly opens. Whiskey creeps in and takes his seat. Bhutto carries on talking, completely ignoring the late entrant. No one else looks at him. A cabinet meeting in progress. We peer in from the window and watch a tableau. * * * * * EXTERIOR. ROAD. DAY. Zia in his military limousine speeding to military intelligence HQ. * * * * * INTERIOR. MILITARY HQ. DAY. All five generals are present. Zia strides in, goes straight to the head of the table. ZIA (serious, tense). Generals, we are now short of time. We must strike tonight. Operation Wheeljam at Zero Hour. AZAD. What the hell is going on? I've just returned from Lahore. The city is calm. IFTIKHAR. And I hear Bhutto's done a deal with the opposition. ZIA. Exactly. You know the basis? All the Baloch gangsters are to be released now or just before elections. Do you realise the effect this will have? It will legitimise rebellion. These men waged war against our state. To release them is an intolerable provocation. AZAD. I take the point, but to launch a coup - an overreaction, sir! I cannot be party to a move that is seen as a blatant violation of democracy. ZAMAN. They will say we're preventing the politicians from reaching an agreement. ZIA. Our country's integrity is now at stake. It is now our duty as guardians of this Islamic republic to preserve our religion and our country. That's why Pakistan exists. We are like Israel. An ideological state. Take Judaism out of Israel and it will collapse. Take Islam out of Pakistan and make it a secular state and we will collapse. The Pakistan Army is Pakistan. AZAD. Now I see it all. The mullahs have got you in their grip. Remember Black September in Jordan? Did you think about Islam when you helped King Hussein butcher the Palestinians? ZAMAN. Shut your mouth. He is our chief. ZIA (calm). Do you know that Bhutto has got cabinet approval to sack us all tomorrow? Azad, Ifty and Rahman are clearly shocked. AZAD. Where is the proof? ZAMAN (rises, walks to the door and shouts). Bring him in, Colonel. Azad and the others are amazed as the colonel enters with Whiskey, looking extremely cocky in contrast to cabinet appearances. ZIA. Here, my dear General Azad, is the proof. Straight from a cabinet meeting. AZAD. So I see. Is it sober? (To Whiskey) Is all this I hear true, you rogue? WHISKEY. General-sahib, would I risk my life to come here and inform you otherwise? These two ears heard Bhutto. These two eyes read the papers ordering all your dismissals. Rashid, that bastard, said you should be executed for treason. All of you will spend tomorrow night in prison. Azad stares at him hard. He is shattered. He turns away from Whiskey in disgust and indicates that the man be removed. No one moves. AZAD (angry). Get him out of here. The stench is unbearable. Zia nods to Colonel who exits with Whiskey. AZAD. So Bhutto found out about us. I should have known. We are plotting. He is right to try and get rid of us. (To Zaman) You've trapped me. Zaman shrugs. ZIA. Now are you convinced? Azad doesn't reply. ZIA (signals to everyone to sit). At Zero Hour we implement Operation Wheeljam. Zaman and I will take Bhutto. Nizami will supervise mopping-up operations. The whole cabinet and heads of police and security to be dealt with before we take him. All communications to and from Bhutto's house to be cut off at midnight. Rahman, you fly to Quetta and take over the province. Iftikhar, you become the Frontier. Nizami will take the Punjab. Zaman and I will keep here. AZAD. And me? Ambassador to Austria? ZIA (smiling). General Azad, you are too important to waste on administering provinces. You must stay in command of the armoured corps. We can't take everyone out of the army. All rise. ZIA (cont'd) Just one more thing. If Bhutto summons any of you to his house today, don't go! All laugh except Azad. Excerpted with permission from The Leopard and the Fox: A Pakistani Tragedy By Tariq Ali Seagull Books. Available with Liberty Books, next to Bar B.Q. Tonight, Shop No. G-1, Plot # GP-5, Block 5, Clifton, Karachi Tel: 021-5374153 www.libertybooks.com ISBN 1 9054 2 229 6 204pp. Rs495 Tariq Ali is a historian, film-maker and political activist. His other books include The Clash of Fundamentalisms and Bush in Babylon. o o o (ii) In the Making: Identity Formation in South Asia by Meeto (Kamaljit Bhasin-Malik) Date: March 2007 description This book critiques the taken-for-granted opposition of Hindu and Muslim as separate and cohesive categories, the frequent coding of syncretism as deviant, impermanent or tolerant, and moves towards a more nuanced approach. It questions the historicist preoccupation with incidents and processes of conflict, conquest, iconoclasm, and sets out to look at co-existence and peaceful interactions at the grassroots as equally crucial for the formation of identities. Written with perception and lucidity, it could be used profitably by scholars and by students, teachers, activists and the general reader. Contents: Introduction by Kumkum Sangari 1. A historiographical essay on Hindu-Muslim relations 2. Composite Culture in Pre-Partition Punjab: Fractures and Continuities 3. The Historian and the Indian Census: Accounts of Religion in late Nineteenth Century Punjab 4. The Census in Colonial Ceylon 5. Minority Rights, Secularism and Civil Society (co-authored with Yamini Aiyar) 6. The Ahmadi Problem: an unfinished essay 7. Appendices: a. I would like to ...; b. Concept Paper on the Census; c. Being an Ahmadi in an Age of 'Islamic terrorism' Meeto by Judith Brown about the author Meeto (Kamaljit Bhasin-Malik) was doing her doctoral dissertation at Balliol College, University of Oxford, when she died in January 2006 at the age of 28. She had been awarded the prestigious Clarendon Fellowship. Before returning to academics, she worked in various capacities with organisations involved in developmental and gender issues, minorities and human rights, and peace movements. E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Website: http://www.threeessays.com ______ [7] EVENTS: http://communalism.blogspot.com/2007/03/programme-tribunal-on-rise-of-fascist.html Independent Peoples' Tribunal on the Rise of Fascist Forces in India and the attack on Secular State Venue: Indian Social Institute, 10 Lodi Road Institutional Area, Lodi Road, New Delhi-110001 OVER 200 VICTIMS, ACTIVISTS AND ACADEMICIANS FROM ACROSS 17 STATES TESTIFY BEFORE THE INDEPENDENT PEOPLE'S TRIBUNAL ON THE RISE OF THE FASCIST FORCES IN INDIA. DATE TIME Plenary Session Screening of the Documentary: In The Dark Times (16 minutes) by Gauhar Raza Prof. K N Panikkar, Prof Upendra Baxi, Justice Hosbeth Suresh, Prof. Akoijam Bimol March 20 10-11.30 STATE JURY 12.00-6.00pm PANEL 1 Gujarat Prof. Upendra Baxi Prof Akoijam Bimol Prof Subharanjan Dasgupta Nikhil Waghle Dr. Sandeep Pandey PANEL 2 Madhya Pradesh & Jharkhand Prof. KN Panikkar Gagan Sethi Annie Raja Vishnu Nagar John Dayal PANEL 3 Rajasthan Justice Hosbeth Suresh Vincent Manoharan J. Dr. Rooprekha Verma Dr. Angana Chatterjee 6.15-8.00 Screening of Documentary Final Solution by Rakesh Sharma March 21 9.30-10.15 Members of the Jury Speak on the findings of the Previous Day 10.30-4.30pm PANEL 1 Orissa and Karnataka Justice KL Sharma Dr. KM Shrimali Dr. Ram Puniyani John Dayal Henri Tephange PANEL 2 Tamil Nadu and Kerala, West Bengal Prof. KN Panikkar Nikhil Waghle Prof. Kamal Mitra Chenoy Jaya Mehta PANEL 3 Chattisgarh, Maharashtra Justice SN Bhargava Asghar Ali Engineer Ali Asghar Syeda Hameed Vincent Manoharan J. 5.00- 7.00 An evening of Protest Poetry and Music March 22 9.00-10.00 Members of the Jury Speak on the findings of the Previous Day 10.00-4.00pm PANEL 1 J & K, Manipur, Nagaland Justice KL Sharma Ayo Jajo Aier Prof. Purushottam Aggarwal Kumar Ketkar John Dayal PANEL 2 Goa and Uttar Pradesh Justice R B Mehrotra Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer KM Shrimali S. Irfan Habib Ali Asghar Sheetla Singh PANEL 3 A National Perspective Presentations by: Sukumar Muralidharan, Shankar Goplakrishnan, Priya Sreenivasa, Anil Choudhary, Dr. Angana Chatterjee, Apoorvanand, Poorva Bhardwaj, Deepta Bhog, Tehmina Arora Justice SN Bhargava Uma Chakravarty Henri Tephange Ashok Vajpayee Lalit Surjan 4.30-6.00 CONCLUDING SESSION AND PRESS CONFERENCE ROOM NUMBER MARCH 20 MARCH 21 MARCH 22 MAIN HALL GROUND FLOOR GUJARAT CHATTISGARH AND MAHARSHTRA NATIONAL PERSPECTIVE CONFERENCE ROOM no. 207 2ND FLOOR MADHYA PRADESH & JHARKHAND ORISSA AND KARNATAKA J& K , MANIPUR, NAGALAND CONFERENCE ROOM no. 313 3RD FLOOR RAJASTHAN TAMIL NADU, KERALA, WEST BENGAL GOA AND UTTAR PRADESH _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/ SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. _______________________________________________ SACW mailing list SACW@insaf.net http://insaf.net/mailman/listinfo/sacw_insaf.net
