The Wall Street Journal
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
Oil for Scandal
Where's Jesse Helms when the U.N. really needs him?
Thursday, March 18, 2004 12:01 a.m. EST

The $100 billion Iraqi Oil for Food program was by far the largest relief
operation in the history of the United Nations. By extension, it's rapidly
becoming the U.N.'s largest-ever scandal.

After months of stonewalling, Secretary General Kofi Annan conceded Tuesday
that the program was worthy of an internal investigation. It's a step
forward, but it's not nearly enough for an organization that so far has
shown it can't be trusted to police itself. That's why the April hearings by
Henry Hyde's House Committee on International Relations will be so
important. Oil for Food is a legitimate U.S. concern, for reasons that go
well beyond the fact that U.S. taxpayers foot about a quarter of the U.N.'s
bills.

A mountain of evidence has now accumulated to suggest the Iraqi people
suffered from shortages of quality food and medicine not because
international sanctions were too strict, but because lax or corrupt
oversight at U.N. headquarters in New York allowed Saddam Hussein to exploit
the system for his own purposes.

Those included rewarding friends and allies world-wide with oil allocations
on very favorable terms, as well as extracting large kickbacks from oil
traders and suppliers of humanitarian goods. Put more simply, Saddam was
allowed to skim off revenue to which the relief program was entitled, while
the program was forced to spend the remainder on suppliers chosen by Saddam
for reasons that rarely had anything to do with the quality of their goods.

There can be little doubt that U.N. mismanagement contributed greatly to the
negative perception of the anti-Saddam containment policy. There is also
little doubt that the reward and kickback scheme--as well the possibility of
exposure--was a factor as some countries weighed whether to back U.S.-led
regime change in Iraq. There is even reason to suspect that some of the
Saddam friends and allies who benefited may have been members of the U.N.
Secretariat.

Among the names of alleged oil-voucher beneficiaries on the Iraqi Oil
Ministry list released in late January is Oil for Food director Benon Sevan.
As our Thérèse Raphael reported last week, the Journal has obtained Iraqi
correspondence suggesting that at least one oil trade in favor of Mr. Sevan
was in fact executed. (He has denied the charges.) Ms. Raphael also reported
that the company in charge of inspecting goods destined for Iraq under the
program was Cotecna, which employed Mr. Annan's son Kojo.

The prima facie evidence of mismanagement alone is strong enough to call
into question the remainder of Mr. Annan's tenure, the credibility of the
U.N. to advise on the transition to democracy in Iraq, and whether the
organization can ever again be trusted with a relief and arms control
operation of this scale. Michael Soussan, a former program coordinator with
Oil for Food, noted in The Wall Street Journal recently that U.N. officials
have not been truthful in their response to the developing scandal, claiming
for example that they were unaware of allegations of fraudulent practices
until after the war. Oh, really? A January 2001 article in the Times of
London was one of a number reporting the "total anarchy" and "flagrant
disregard of U.N. Security Council resolutions" that then characterized the
program.

Another canard being advanced by the U.N. Secretariat is that there should
be a new Security Council Resolution--which it would be conveniently
difficult to get France and Russia to approve--to enable it to investigate
activities beyond those of its own staff. The activities of the U.N.'s own
staff are precisely what interests everyone here.

Why did they choose to keep most details of the program secret? Why did they
never release the results of internal audits? Didn't Mr. Annan take
seriously his obligation to approve the details of every six-month phase of
the program? Halliburton's oil contracts with Kuwait were the picture of
transparency by comparison.

It's also worth noting, finally, that there is no obligation for members of
the U.N. Secretariat to wait for an investigation. Mr. Sevan has been on
vacation pending his retirement next month. If he cares at all for his
reputation or the U.N.'s, one would expect him to rush to clear things up.
Ditto for Mr. Annan.

Assuming the stonewalling continues, the Sevan and Annan issues will be
important topics for Mr. Hyde's committee. Congress will also want to
explore to what extent, if any, Oil for Food corruption penetrated America.
One person to subpoena is Shakir al-Khafaji, an Iraqi-American businessman
who appears on the list of alleged oil-voucher recipients and who traded
goods extensively with Saddam under Oil for Food via his South African-based
Falcon Trading Group.

We regret to say that a notable absence from U.N. oversight has been the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which was an effective advocate of U.N.
transparency under Jesse Helms. We hope current Chairman Richard Lugar will
hold his own hearings now, not least because we'd love to hear committee
Member John Kerry's thoughts on the matter.

The Oil for Food scandal has obvious implications for the policy he's been
advocating of subjecting U.S. interests to a Security Council veto. GOP
Senator Chuck Hagel is another U.N. booster. If they mean what they say
about enhancing the power of the U.N., in Iraq and elsewhere, then they in
particular have an obligation to ensure that the world body is both
effective and free of corruption.

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