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Wall Street Journal
REVIEW & OUTLOOK
Mr. Wilson's Defense
Why the Plame special prosecutor should close up shop.
Tuesday, July 20, 2004 12:01 a.m. EDT

After U.S. and British intelligence reports exposed his falsehoods in the
last 10 days, Joe Wilson is finally defending himself. We're therefore glad
to return to this story one more time, because there are some larger lessons
here about the law, and for the Beltway media and Bush White House.

Mr. Wilson's defense, in essence, is that the "Republican-written" Senate
Intelligence Committee report is a partisan hatchet job. We could forgive
people for being taken in by this, considering the way the Committee's
ranking Democrat, Jay Rockefeller, has been spinning it over the past week.
But the fact is that the three most damning conclusions are contained not in
Chairman Pat Roberts's "Additional Views," but in the main body of the
report approved by Mr. Rockefeller and seven other Democrats.

Number one: The winner of last year's Award for Truth Telling from the
Nation magazine foundation, didn't tell the truth when he wrote that his
wife, CIA officer Valerie Plame, "had nothing to do with" his selection for
the Niger mission. Mr. Wilson is now pretending there is some kind of
important distinction between whether she "recommended" or "proposed" him
for the trip.

Mr. Wilson had been denying any involvement at all on Ms. Plame's part, in
order to suggest that her identity was disclosed by a still-unknown
Administration official out of pure malice. If instead an Administration
official cited nepotism truthfully in order to explain the oddity of Mr.
Wilson's selection for the Niger mission, then there was no underlying
crime. Motive is crucial under the controlling statute.

The 1982 Intelligence Identities Protection Act was written in the wake of
the Philip Agee scandal to protect the CIA from deliberate subversion, not
to protect the identities of agents and their spouses who choose to enter
into a national political debate. In short, the entire leak probe now looks
like a familiar Beltway case of criminalizing political differences. Special
Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald should fold up his tent.

Number two: Joe Wilson didn't tell the truth about how he supposedly came to
realize that it was "highly doubtful" there was anything to the story he'd
been sent to Niger to investigate. He told everyone that he'd recognized as
obvious forgeries the documents purporting to show an Iraq-Niger uranium
deal. But the forged documents to which he referred didn't reach U.S.
intelligence until eight months after his trip. Mr. Wilson has said that he
"misspoke"--multiple times, apparently--on this issue.

Number three: Joe Wilson was also not telling the truth when he said that
his final report to the CIA had "debunked" the Niger story. The Senate
Intelligence report--again, the bipartisan portion of it--says Mr. Wilson's
debrief was interpreted as providing "some confirmation of foreign
government service reporting" that Iraq had sought uranium in Niger. That's
because Niger's former Prime Minister had told Mr. Wilson he interpreted a
1999 visit from an Iraqi trade delegation as showing an interest in uranium.

This is a remarkable record of falsehood. We'll let our readers judge if
they think Mr. Wilson was deliberately wrong, and therefore can be said to
have "lied." We certainly know what critics would say if President Bush had
been caught saying such things. But in any event, we'd think that the news
outlets that broadcast Mr. Wilson's story over the past year would want to
retrace their own missteps.

Mr. Wilson made three separate appearances on NBC's "Meet the Press,"
according to the Weekly Standard. New York Times columnist Nick Kristof
first brought the still anonymous Niger envoy to public attention in May
2003, so he too must feel burned by his source. Alone among major sellers of
the Wilson story, the Washington Post has done an admirable job so far of
correcting the record.

Also remarkable is that the views of former CIA employee Larry Johnson
continue to be cited anywhere on this and related issues. Mr. Johnson was
certain last October that the disclosure of Ms. Plame's identity was a
purely "political attack," now disproven. He is also a friend of Ms. Plame
and the author of a summer 2001 op-ed titled "The Declining Terrorist
Threat." You'd think reporters would at least quote him with a political
warning label.

The final canard advanced by Mr. Wilson's defenders is that our own recent
editorials and other criticism was somehow "orchestrated." Well, by whom?
Certainly not by the same White House that has been all too silent about
this entire episode, in large part because it prematurely apologized last
year for the "16 words" in a State of the Union address that have now been
declared "well-founded" by Lord Butler's inquiry in Britain. If Mr. Bush
ends up losing the election over Iraq, it won't be because he oversold the
case for war but because he's sometimes appeared to have lost confidence in
the cause.

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