-Caveat Lector-

British Labour's `class war' against the poor.

REVIEW BY PHIL SHANNON

  Cruel Britannia: Reports on the Sinister and the Preposterous
  By Nick Cohen
  Verso, 2000 247pp, $35(pb)

 “I appreciate there were some people who voted for us
 who thought we would make a difference. They didn't
 understand” — it is unguarded candour like this from a
 newly elected MP in Tony Blair's 1997 New Labour
 landslide that gets straight to the heart of Labour Party
 politics in Britain.

 The above quote was from a woman Labour MP who, once
 in government, pushed through cuts to single mothers'
pensions. When she was in opposition, she had maintained
that you do not help the poor by plunging them
further into poverty.

This is just one of the illustrations of New Labour's
enlistment in the class war against the poor drawn by
Nick Cohen, a “left-of-centre” reporter for the liberal
capitalist Observer magazine.

The recanting of this politician, whose opposition
rhetoric did not survive election night, has been repeated
across the board, from welfare policy to foreign policy.
“Joining New Labour is like joining the Mafia”, says
Cohen, “you must kill what you love to prove your loyalty”.

When Cohen listens to Tony and the Blairites, he hears
them “singing every song in the Tory songbook,
and composing new numbers of their own”. The New Labour
arias have the same melody as old
conservatism, despite the different lyrics of Blair's
“New Way”, which is supposedly “beyond left and right”
of the tired old ideological and class divide. The “inclusive”
Blair is bridging the divide by “governing for all”,
a libretto that certain Australian Labor premiers and would-be
prime ministers are smitten with.

Despite the “Under New Management” sign hung outside Whitehall,
however, a closer examination of
Labour's new “ideology-free political zone” shows that it is
business as usual for established capitalist
concerns such as Britain's arms exporters.

Tough talk against human rights abusers such as Burma and
Indonesia is cheap when in opposition, to be
quietly abandoned when governing a country which is the second
largest arms exporter in the world.
Anything — like human rights — that gets in the way of trade
and investment overseas, and repatriating
the profits back to British capitalists, is a luxury that
Labour must do without.

Opening up new areas of society to the invigorating broom
of profit-making is a particular Blairite crusade.
New Labour's “inclusiveness” means a “punishment boom”.
With one new prison being opened each
fortnight in Britain in 1998 (not that far behind the
three a week in President Bill Clinton's USA), the
privatisation of prisons has created a strata of capitalists
with an appetite for jailing people.

Their boast is that they can do it cheaper than the old,
inefficient state system. Cutting prison staff to
achieve this certainly helps. Without a lot of burdensome
conditions to adhere to from a government which
barely pretends to retain its regulation role, crime is
paying handsomely for some. Prisoners' rights, which
are human rights after all, might have been eroded in
this but “law and order” is too valuable as an
election jingle to be ditched.

As well as crime, a racist-based “alien invasion” is
also a valuable weapon in Labour's populist arsenal.
Criminalising asylum-seekers is a Blair specialty.
Imprisonment without trial in detention centres pays
political dividends to the right-wing populist, and
when the refugees riot to assert their civil liberties, that
only “proves” their unsuitability to be in the country.

Cohen reminds us that we should closely watch how
politicians treat refugees because it is how they would
like to treat the rest of us if they could get away with it.

Another frontier being opened up by Blair is education.
While McDonald's are selflessly helping with English
lessons by teaching children to spell Chicken “McNuggetts”,
in the US the experiment has gone further, with
private corporations running entire schools.

The results in Britain's test schools — teacher numbers
down, class sizes up, a collapse in standards,
fiddled exam results, creative accounting and the delivery
of a captive youth market to advertisers — have
not phased Blair a bit because the other result — a fresh
source of profits — is the only one that counts.

If Cohen doesn't offer any ideas on what to do about Blair's
Britain, he does spare us the fantasy that good
men and true women can regain control of the party and guide
it to better things.

Cohen makes it plain enough that Labour's behaviour is a
consequence of capitalism. Labour cannot make
a difference as long as capitalism exists.

There is an answer — a socialist and a revolutionary one —
lurking in there. It is an answer that is beyond
the liberal political scope of Cohen's book, but the
question is at least raised with some satirical bite.

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