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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Wed, 06 Aug 2003 06:39:54 -0700
From: Media Research Center <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: MRC Alert: Conservatives Follow 'Like the Members of a Moose Lodge'

              ***Media Research Center CyberAlert***
    9:40am EDT, Wednesday August 6, 2003 (Vol. Eight; No. 148)
  The 1,554th CyberAlert. Tracking Liberal Media Bias Since 1996

> CNBC: "On Many Issues" Dean "Centrist," But Lauer: Too Liberal?
> Hollings Stories Laud Racial Record, Skip Segregationist Work
> Conservatives Follow "Like the Members of a Moose Lodge"

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    When posted, this CyberAlert will be readable at:
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1) Monday night on CNBC, David Shuster delivered another effort to
portray Howard Dean as less than liberal. On the News with Brian
Williams, Shuster contended: "On many issues, Dean is a centrist.
He supports the death penalty, gun ownership and balanced
budgets." But Shuster's story did go on to recount how competitors
Joe Lieberman and John Kerry are calling Dean too liberal to win a
general election. And on Tuesday's Today, during an interview with
Dean, Matt Lauer actually took him on from the right: "Are you too
liberal to win the general election?"

2) Washington Post and New York Times stories Tuesday, on the
decision of South Carolina Senator Ernest Hollings to not seek re-
election, lauded the Democrat for how, in contrast to what
occurred in other Southern states, as Governor he had presided
over "the peaceful" and "orderly desegregation" of South
Carolina's public schools. But in offering such a positive review
of Hollings' record on race, the newspapers skated over his role
as a dogged defender of segregation who only gave in when he
realized the fight was hopeless, a favor not afforded to Southern
Republicans with an unpleasant history on race.

3) Reminiscent of how a Washington Post reporter claimed in a news
story that Christian Right leaders can easily generate support
because "their followers are largely poor, uneducated, and easy to
command," Boston Globe Washington Bureau Chief Peter Canellos on
Tuesday passed along a similar stereotype in a story about a new
liberal legal group. Canellos opined: "While conservatives answer
a call to order like the members of a Moose Lodge, liberals fall
to cat-fighting like contestants on a reality-TV dating show." He
did at least add, "or so the thinking goes." Plus, Antonin "Scalia
was the driving force behind the Supreme Court's decision granting
George W. Bush the presidency over Al Gore."


    > 1) Monday night on CNBC, David Shuster delivered another
effort to portray Howard Dean as less than liberal. On the News
with Brian Williams, Shuster contended: "On many issues, Dean is a
centrist. He supports the death penalty, gun ownership and
balanced budgets." As if supporting massive new spending and
further government intervention into peoples' lives makes you a
centrist so long as you raise taxes to pay for it and, therefore,
maintain a balanced budget.

    But Shuster's story did go on to recount how competitors Joe
Lieberman and John Kerry are calling Dean too liberal to win a
general election, thus showing how much of the national media are
the left of the Democratic field.

    And on Tuesday's Today, during an interview with Dean, Matt
Lauer asked Dean to respond to Lieberman and Kerry and actually
took Dean on from the right, squeezing in this question at the
very end of the segment: "Ten seconds left. Are you too liberal to
win the general election?"

    These approaches to Dean follow recent efforts by other
outlets to disguise his liberalness. The August 4 CyberAlert
recounted: Before former Vermont Governor Howard Dean can be
painted as a far-left ideologue, the national media are coming to
his aide, penning stories about how he's not only not liberal,
he's really a conservative. "He remains a fiscal conservative,"
declared a New York Times story last Wednesday. Then on Sunday,
the front page of the Washington Post carried this unequivocal
headline: "As Governor, Dean Was Fiscal Conservative." In Time,
John Cloud argued that "the truth" is that Dean "is a rock-ribbed
budget hawk, a moderate on gays and guns, and a true lefty on only
a few issues." Cloud insisted that "Dean, who has been compared so
often to George McGovern and Ralph Nader, is far more like George
W. Bush." Cloud's evidence: Dean's patrician upbringing in a
Republican family who "belonged to the super-exclusive Maidstone
golf club, which for decades had no minority or Jewish members."

    For details:
http://www.mediaresearch.org/cyberalerts/2003/cyb20030804.asp#3

    David Shuster began his August 4 piece on CNBC's The News with
Brian Williams, though anchored by Dawn Fratangelo, as taken down
by MRC analyst Brad Wilmouth: "This weekend in Nashua, New
Hampshire, they were lined up past the garage. The Dean campaign
was expecting 50 voters, a successful house party by any measure,
but Dean found 200. The curiosity and buzz over the former
Governor of Vermont has both energized and terrified the
Democratic Party. On many issues, Dean is a centrist. He supports
the death penalty, gun ownership and balanced budgets."
    Dean: "Just go ahead and applaud like crazy for that. I love
it. I love it when Democrats start hooting and hollering about
balancing the budget."
    Shuster: "But Dean has broken through largely because of his
opposition to the Iraqi war. Donations from peace activists have
flooded his campaign Web site, and meet-up groups filled with
Democrats angry at their party are springing up across the
country."
    Dean: "I challenge you to find a majority of people anywhere
in the world now that want to be like Americans. That's what we've
lost under this President. If I become president of the United
States, I'm going the restore our international prestige so people
admire America again. That's where our power comes from."
    Shuster: "Dean also says it's important to maintain the
world's strongest military, but his alignment on foreign policy
with the left on this post-9/11 world has left rivals charging-"
    Joseph Lieberman: "Those qualities are not the ones that will
help a leader meet the challenges America faces today. And for the
Democratic Party, that really is a ticket to nowhere."
    Shuster: "Even Senator John Kerry, who is now trying to bash
the President's unilateralism, has been focused lately on
portraying Dean as too liberal. Kerry has taken issue with Dean's
pledge to roll back most of the Bush tax cuts."
    John Kerry: "I don't want to raise taxes on middle class,
average working Americans. And I think it's a big mistake to do
that."
    Dean: "I give people a choice: You can have the President's
tax cut or you can have health insurance that can't be taken away.
You can have the President's tax cut or you can have a balanced
budget and jobs. But you can't have both. And I think it's a
mistake for George Bush to sell the idea that you can have both,
and I think it's a mistake for any Democratic candidate to suggest
that you can have both."
    Shuster concluded: "The debate, of course, will continue, but
with Howard Dean now leading the way, six months before the
Democratic primaries. David Shuster, NBC News, Washington."

    Lauer's questions to Dean on the August 5 Today on Tuesday
morning, as transcribed by MRC analyst Geoffrey Dickens:

    -- "Well listen here's the good news. You've got the trifecta
in terms of magazine exposure this week. Time, Newsweek and U.S.
News and World Report. The bad news is you've gotten full the
attention of your Democratic competitors. The head of the Kerry
campaign said quote, 'It would be absolutely impossible for you to
be elected President.' Joe Lieberman said yesterday, 'Your
candidacy is a ticket to nowhere.' How does it feel to be so
popular?"

    -- "Well here's what Senator Lieberman said about you. He
said, 'a candidate who is opposed to the war against Saddam, who's
called for the repeal of all the Bush tax cuts, which would result
in an increase in taxes on the middle-class, I believe will not
offer the kind of leadership American needs to meet the challenges
that we face today.'"

    -- "The President, as you know, is enjoying about a 58 percent
approval rating according to our latest polling. He's gone off on
a working vacation in Texas and I guess in, in keeping with your
in-your-face style you've decided to start running campaign ads
right in his own backyard. I guess you feel he's gonna be watching
some local television. Let me show you a clip of one of your ads."
    [Howard Dean ad]
    "Governor I don't know what those ads are costing you in Texas
but some people are saying why even bother spending the money. Do
you think you can really beat George Bush in Texas?"

    -- "On the subject of Iraq, as you mentioned before, you
opposed the war, you didn't think the reasons were right for
committing U.S. troops. Now we're there, okay, that's a given. And
we've got a shaky peace and we've got Americans being attacked
almost on a daily basis. If you were President today Governor
Dean, what would you do?"

    -- "Well the President wants to inter-, the President wants to
internationalize the force there too. He would like NATO to send a
significant force. The French and Germans say they're not gonna do
that without a UN mandate and let's face it they may set the bar
so high that we can't accept their troops anyway. So if we aren't
going to get that NATO support what would you do? Would you send
more American troops?"

    -- "If, if you were President of the United States right now
on the subject of Saddam Hussein would you want him captured or
killed?"

    -- "You talk about balancing the budget. There's a huge
federal deficit right now between $4 and $5 hundred billion. You'd
like to repeal the President's long-term tax cuts but most experts
say that would only solve part of the problem. You'd have to make
major cuts. Where would the bulk of those cuts come?"
    Dean: "Well you're not only going to get to a deficit, look I
actually have some experience in balancing budgets, unlike the
President and unlike most of my competitors-"
    Lauer: "On a smaller scale obviously."

    -- "The Time profile in the issue this week starts with an
interesting paragraph. Let me read it to you and get your
reaction. 'Look back at nearly every campaign trail to the White
House and you'll find imbedded in the asphalt the flattened-form
of a once captivating outsider. The story line plays out as
follows. He seizes the imagination with a compelling message and
personality. He upsets the dynamic of the race, the media lavish
attention and praise on him, he makes a rookie mistake or two
under the TV lights, the reporters turn on him and his fanatical
legions realize he wasn't the guy they thought he was.' How do you
avoid, Governor, becoming that flattened-form in the asphalt of
this race?"

    -- "Ten seconds left. Are you too liberal to win the general
election?"
    Dean: "If balancing budgets means I'm too liberal then call me
liberal because I, I think that's what the country needs and I
think the country desperately needs jobs again."



    > 2) Washington Post and New York Times stories Tuesday, on
the decision of South Carolina Senator Ernest Hollings to not seek
re-election, lauded the Democrat for how, in contrast to what
occurred in other Southern states, as Governor he had presided
over "the peaceful" and "orderly desegregation" of South
Carolina's public schools.

    But in offering such a positive review of Hollings' record on
race, the newspapers skated over his role as a dogged defender of
segregation who only gave in when he realized the fight was
hopeless, a favor not afforded to Southern Republicans with an
unpleasant history on race. Recall how Trent Lott was portrayed as
a racial retrograde, not as a relative moderate on race for not
participating in the most virulent anti-black activity when he
belonged to a segregated fraternity.

    Neither the Post nor Times reminded readers how Hollings
managed to vote, decades apart, against the two blacks ever
nominated to the Supreme Court: Thurgood Marshall and Clarence
Thomas. Nor did they remind readers how, as a symbol of anti-
desegregation defiance, it was Hollings as Governor who had the
Confederate flag raised over the South Carolina statehouse. As
Deroy Murdock wrote in January on National Review Online:
    "Byrd's Senate colleague, Ernest Hollings (D, S.C.),
meanwhile, told reporters on December 14, 1993 that he attended
international summits alongside 'these potentates from down in
Africa.' He continued, 'rather than eating each other, they'd just
come up and get a good square meal in Geneva.' There also would be
no debate today about flying the Confederate flag over South
Carolina's statehouse had then-Governor Hollings not defiantly
hoisted it above the state capitol in 1962."

    For Murdoch's piece in full in the wake of Lott's resignation:
http://www.nationalreview.com/murdock/murdock010603.asp

    But the very same newspapers and, in the case of the Post, the
very same reporter, in earlier stories had recounted Hollings'
less admirable record in the 1950s.

    First, the relevant paragraphs from the August 5 stories on
Hollings' retirement, and then what those same newspapers recalled
back in the 1980s about Hollings:

    -- Helen Dewar asserted in her Tuesday story: "Hollings's
public career spans 55 years, starting when, as a World War II
veteran, he was elected to the South Carolina legislature in 1948
at age 26. He went on to become Lieutenant Governor and Governor,
presiding over the peaceful desegregation of South Carolina public
schools at a time when many southern states were bitterly
resisting integration."

    That story is online at:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A18996-2003Aug4.html

    -- In Tuesday's New York Times, reporters David M. Halbfinger
and Carl Hulse wrote: "[A]s Governor here from 1959 to 1963, Mr.
Hollings oversaw the orderly desegregation of schools, in stark
contrast to other Southern Democratic Governors."

    For the article in its entirety:
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/08/05/politics/05HOLL.html

    Now compare those summaries of his civil rights record to what
those same newspapers recounted in the early 1980s, as I found via
Nexis, though even then they tried to put the best positive spin
on it:

    -- Washington Post reporter Helen Dewar in a January 10, 1984
profile of then presidential candidate Hollings, a piece which
carried a headline which trumpeted, "A colorful Marverick: An
Achiever With a Solid Senate Record." The excerpt:

For any southern politician, civil rights is a litmus test, and
the testing time for Hollings came on Jan. 9, 1963, when he was
delivering his farewell address as governor to the South Carolina
Legislature.

Within days, the first black student was to be admitted under
federal court order to state-run Clemson University. With shouts
of defiance echoing from Alabama and Mississippi, the atmosphere
throughout South Carolina, including inside its state capitol, was
tense.

"If he'd wanted to stand in the schoolhouse door, he would have
had strong support," said former governor Robert E. McNair, who
said Hollings had been advised by many friends simply to hand over
the problem to his successor, Donald Russell.

Instead, Hollings said simply that "South Carolina is running out
of courts." It must choose "a government of laws rather than a
government of men," he told the hushed legislature, and do its
duty "with dignity."...

But he was elected governor as a defender of state's rights, and
he fought for segregation in the courts to the bitter end, even
though, as he concedes now, he knew it was wrong and doomed.

He acknowledges that the realization came as early as 1952, when
he sat in the Supreme Court, as a lawyer for South Carolina in a
case that eventually figured in the landmark 1954 school decision,
and thought of black soldiers with whom he had fought in World War
II.

"I realized then that the game was over," he said.

"We fought the same oppression and won the same fight, but they
were on the back of the bus when we got home," he observed in a
recent Senate speech in which he candidly admitted his earlier
wrongs on the issue.

As with his subsequent vote in the Senate against confirmation of
Thurgood Marshall as the first black justice of the Supreme Court,
he says simply, "It wasn't racist; it was politics."

In addition to voting against Marshall in 1967, one of only 11 to
do so, Hollings has more recently supported anti-busing
legislation, a combination that led to a failing grade last year
from the NAACP....

    END of Excerpt

    -- A bit earlier, in the June 8, 1983 New York Times, some
reporter named Howell Raines -- I think he went on to bigger and
greater things, but it didn't last -- recalled:

In 1959, he was elected Governor of South Carolina as a defender
of segregation, having promised to protect "the Southern way of
life" against "the dictation of a power-happy Federal Government."

'We'd Run Out of Courts'

"I knew it was wrong, but there wasn't anything you could do about
it, coming along politically," Senator Hollings now says of his
behavior in those days.

He conducted what he calls "a separate but equal kind of
governorship." He opposed Ku Klux Klan violence, but at the same
time he committed the state to a policy of using every available
legal maneuver to defend segregation.

    END of Excerpt



    > 3) Reminiscent of how a Washington Post reporter in 1993
claimed in a news story that Christian Right leaders can easily
generate support because "their followers are largely poor,
uneducated, and easy to command," Boston Globe Washington Bureau
Chief Peter Canellos on Tuesday passed along a similar stereotype
in a story about a new liberal legal group. Canellos opined:
"While conservatives answer a call to order like the members of a
Moose Lodge, liberals fall to cat-fighting like contestants on a
reality-TV dating show." He did at least add, "or so the thinking
goes."

    The thinking of liberals who don't accept that they already
control most of the news media and somehow see themselves as
underdogs to an organized conservative onslaught.

    In his page A-3 "National Interest" column on the creation of
the liberal American Constitution Society, Canellos also
adopted the liberal spin on the 2000 election as he warned of the
reach of the conservative Federalist Society:
    "Last year, at the Federalist Society's 20th-anniversary
banquet, Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia regaled the crowd
with memories of mentoring the first Federalist chapter at the
University of Chicago. Since Scalia was the driving force behind
the Supreme Court's decision granting George W. Bush the
presidency over Al Gore, the potential reach of a broad
ideological network cannot be underestimated."

    Before getting to the rest of the August 5 Canellos piece
about how liberals have recognized "that conservatives have
created a dominant network linking politics and private
organizations," the 1993 Washington Post quote in full. In a
February 1, 1993 Post news story, then Washington Post reporter
Michael Weisskopf wrote: "Corporations pay public relations firms
millions of dollars to contrive the kind of grass-roots response
that Falwell or Pat Robertson can galvanize in a televised sermon.
Their followers are largely poor, uneducated, and easy to
command."

    Now, an excerpt from the August 5 news section column by
Canellos in the Boston Globe:

....The first convention of the American Constitution Society,
devoted to connecting left-leaning law professors, politicians,
and practicing attorneys, drew a crowd of 800 under a banner
proclaiming "Human Dignity, Individual Rights, and Genuine
Equality."

Founded to "counter the conservative dominance of the law," the
group aims to be a counterweight to the right-leaning Federalist
Society, which over the last 20 years has promoted conservative
thinkers, including scores of Bush judicial appointees. The
American Constitution Society is merely the toniest example of the
liberals' recent attempts to close the message gap with
conservatives. It springs from essentially the same impulse as Al
Gore's proposal to create a liberal cable network to match up
against Rupert Murdoch's Fox News and the yearning from some
quarters to put populist filmmaker Michael Moore on the radio to
go belly-to-belly with Rush Limbaugh.

There is more than a desire for payback behind these efforts. They
are part of a broader recognition that conservatives have created
a dominant network linking politics and private organizations. GOP
fund-raisers support a shelf-full of right-wing magazines, which
in turn promote provocative conservative authors like Ann Coulter.
These writers then bestow the movement's approval on chosen
thinkers, many identified by the powerful 30,000-member Federalist
Society....

But as the liberals start to hook up the cars in their own
ideological train, much of the political world is awaiting the
inevitable crash. While conservatives answer a call to order like
the members of a Moose Lodge, liberals fall to cat-fighting like
contestants on a reality-TV dating show. Or so the thinking goes.

So it was a surprise that the convention, a mix of seminars and
get-togethers, including a "Janet Reno Dance Party" hosted by the
former attorney general, went off over the weekend without missing
a beat....

But merely agreeing to fight the Bush administration is not, by
itself, a measure of success. The conservative movement rose to
power because it concentrated on a few simple principles and held
to them ruthlessly. The Federalist Society missed no opportunity
to assert that the Constitution had been stretched way beyond the
Founding Fathers' intentions. They taught, studied, and spoke out
so diligently that even many liberals came to accept their
view....

    END of Excerpt

    For the piece in full:
http://www.boston.com/dailyglobe2/217/nation/A_call_to_order_sound
s_for_liberals_on_message+.shtml


    # Tonight on NBC's Tonight Show with Jay Leno: Arnold
Schwarzenegger announces his gubernatorial intentions.


-- Brent Baker


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