[Marxism] Books on Syria

[Ken Hiebert via Marxism]

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Today I was in an independent bookstore in a small city near my home.
I noted these books on the shelves.
Two things I would conclude.  There is a market for books on Syria.  And the 
truth will out.
The supporters of Assad may choose to ignore these books.  But that will get 
harder to do as more and more information comes out.
ken h


Deborah Campbell, previously known for her book on Israel and Palestine This 
Heated Place: Encounters in the Promised Land 

https://www.amazon.com/This-Heated-Place-Encounters-Promised/dp/1550549677 

http://www.quillandquire.com/review/a-disappearance-in-damascus-a-story-of-friendship-and-survival-in-the-shadow-of-war/
 


Charles Glass. Syria Burning
http://www.orbooks.com/catalog/syria-burning/ 


Wendy Pearlman. 
https://www.harpercollins.com/9780062654618/we-crossed-a-bridge-and-it-trembled 

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Re: [Marxism] The Elvis Superstar of Marxism's predictions on Trump

[Gary MacLennan via Marxism]

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Gawd what a fool.  Is there no end to his outpourings?

comradely

Gary



On Tue, Jun 27, 2017 at 1:16 PM, Louis Proyect via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

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>
> “Read Trump closely – it is difficult to do, I know – and if you extract
> his total racist and sexist stupidities, you will see that here and there,
> where he makes a complete proposal, they’re usually not so bad,” said
> Žižek. “He said he will not totally dismantle universal healthcare, raise
> the minimum wage, and so on.”
>
> “Trump is a paradox: he is really a centrist liberal, and maybe even in
> his economic policies closer to the Democrats, and he desperately tries to
> mask this. So the function of all of these dirty jokes and stupidities is
> to cover up that he is really a pretty ordinary, centrist politician.”
>
> https://www.theguardian.com/books/2016/apr/28/slavoj-zizek-
> donald-trump-is-really-a-centrist-liberal
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[Marxism] The Elvis Superstar of Marxism's predictions on Trump

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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“Read Trump closely – it is difficult to do, I know – and if you extract 
his total racist and sexist stupidities, you will see that here and 
there, where he makes a complete proposal, they’re usually not so bad,” 
said Žižek. “He said he will not totally dismantle universal healthcare, 
raise the minimum wage, and so on.”


“Trump is a paradox: he is really a centrist liberal, and maybe even in 
his economic policies closer to the Democrats, and he desperately tries 
to mask this. So the function of all of these dirty jokes and 
stupidities is to cover up that he is really a pretty ordinary, centrist 
politician.”


https://www.theguardian.com/books/2016/apr/28/slavoj-zizek-donald-trump-is-really-a-centrist-liberal
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Re: [Marxism] Mathematical economics and political economy in the Soviet Union

[Les Schaffer via Marxism]

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Andrew:

is there any reason to believe that the database calculations used for 
amazon/whole-foods would in any way be useful for in-kind calculations 
based on physical, non-monetary variables?


i'd be curious myself to see what can be learned about Amazon/WF 
logistics and algorithms, but i have this funny feeling their whole 
computational flow is based on lowest cost or highest profit to amazon, 
with delivery time as secondary factor. i also doubt we will see actual 
algorithms in use save for what they are willing to put into patents or 
academic papers.



a little googling to get a sense of the big picture and a place to start.

logistics:

http://logisticstrendsandinsights.com/the-focal-point-of-amazons-logistics-network-fulfillment-by-amazon/

  https://logistics.amazon.com/   (distributed transport/delivery)

  https://ilsr.org/amazon-logistics-map/

  http://www.mwpvl.com/html/amazon_com.html

https://techcrunch.com/2016/01/29/is-logistics-about-to-get-amazoned/

jobs:

https://us-amazon.icims.com/jobs/328931/web-development-engineer-ii,-amazon-logistics-technology/job?mobile=true=false

algorithms (some pieces are known, somewhat):

   https://www.a9.com/whatwedo/product-search/

http://www.selfpublishingreview.com/2016/04/mythbusting-the-amazon-algorithm-reviews-and-ranking-for-authors/

https://theconversation.com/algorithms-can-be-more-fair-than-humans-64047

https://www.fastcompany.com/3060803/algorithmic-pricing-is-creating-an-arms-race-on-amazons-marketplace

https://www.propublica.org/article/amazon-says-it-puts-customers-first-but-its-pricing-algorithm-doesnt

Les


On 06/26/2017 01:51 PM, Andrew Pollack via Marxism wrote:


I've mentioned here and on Facebook the relevance of the logistics
revolution - most recently manifested in the Amazon/Whole Foods merger - to
these questions by virtue of the computing power behind them. It would be
good IMO to get details on this, for instance what computer programs and
mathematical tools are used by leaders in the field for their just-in-time
stocking, their next day delivery, etc. etc.



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[Marxism] Lawyers Representing Bernie Sanders Supporters Fear for their Life

[Richard Sprout via Marxism]

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http://wallstreetonparade.com/2017/06/lawyers-representing-bernie-sanders-supporters-fear-for-their-life/


Sent from my iPhone

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[Marxism] Despite Exposés and Embarrassments, Hundreds of Judges Preside in New York Without Law Degrees - ProPublica

[Richard Sprout via Marxism]

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https://www.propublica.org/article/hundreds-of-judges-new-york-preside-without-law-degrees?utm_source=pardot_medium=email_campaign=dailynewsletter


Sent from my iPhone

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[Marxism] Fwd: The Joker and the Thief

[Richard Sprout via Marxism]

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Sent from my 
> Subject: The Joker and the Thief
> 
> Link: 
> http://www.redwedgemagazine.com/online-issue/the-joker-and-the-thief?utm_campaign=shareaholic_medium=email_this_source=email
> 
> 
> 
> --
> Shared via Shareaholic
> 
> 
> 
> 
> Sent via my Samsung Galaxy, an AT 4G LTE smartphone

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Re: [Marxism] US Imperialism: Changing Direction? | Zoltan Zigedy | ZZ's blog

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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On 6/26/17 9:44 PM, Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo via Marxism wrote:


http://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/2017/06/us-imperialism-changing-direction.html



Interesting article but it doesn't address the close ties between 
ExxonMobil and the Russian energy sector.

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[Marxism] US Imperialism: Changing Direction? | Zoltan Zigedy | ZZ's blog

[Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo via Marxism]

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http://zzs-blg.blogspot.com/2017/06/us-imperialism-changing-direction.html



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[Marxism] Trinity College AAUP Statement on Johnny Lee Williams

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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A Statement Supporting Johnny Williams and Academic Freedom at Trinity 
College


In light of the uproar in some corners of the internet concerning Johnny 
Williams’ posts, we strongly believe it is important to both: 1) 
continue to examine, debate, and critique the legacy of white supremacy 
in our society, and also 2) reaffirm a strong commitment to the defense 
of academic freedom.


On the first point, it is evidently clear to us that Johnny is not 
calling for violence again any person, but rather using social media as 
a platform to engage, discuss, and debate his critique of structures of 
racist oppression in America. Despite the innuendo and 
misinterpretation, Johnny’s posts are consistent with his scholarly 
work, including his recently published book Decoding Racial Ideology in 
Genomics in which he argues that “The endurance of racist perceptions 
and conventions are fueled in part by the deeply grounded commonsensical 
view that racism is an individual rather than a structural phenomenon 
and thus not sustained by ‘white’ control over institution tools of 
power. Racism is a network of interlocking, reinforcing institutions of 
all organizational domains: political, economic, social, cultural, 
legal, military, educations. As a system, racism affects every aspect of 
life. So, ‘white’ disregard of racism as a systemic phenomenon 
guarantees it continuous operation in society” (xiii). It was this 
complex of arguments that Johnny was examining over social media. While 
there may be an effort to claim that Johnny was talking about the 
targeting of individuals, this flies in the face of his consistent 
argument about structures of race and racialized oppression (hence 
‘white’ in quotations).


On the second point, we call on President Berger-Sweeney and Dean 
Cresswell to affirm the principle of academic freedom in the face of the 
politics of fear and violence. The AAUP has taken a strong position 
defending social media usage as protected academic freedom. The AAUP 
publishes position papers on a whole host of issues, including the use 
of social media by college faculty. In their report “Academic Freedom 
and Electronic Communications” (updated Nov 2013; see attached) the AAUP 
acknowledges that the integration of social media into all aspects of 
personal, private, and professional lives has “further blur[red] 
boundaries between communications activities that are primarily 
extramural or personal and those that are related more directly to 
teaching and scholarship” (p.43). The report acknowledges that “Most 
colleges and universities have yet to formulate policies regarding 
social-media usage by faculty members” (p.51). Trinity College falls 
into this category. The AAUP recommends that colleges formulating such 
policies do so in ways that do not prioritize what is most expedient for 
the institution but rather follow the AAUP principle “that social media 
can be used to make extramural utterances and thus their use is subject 
to Association-supported principles of academic freedom, which encompass 
extramural utterances” (p.51). The AAUP acknowledges in “Committee A 
Statement on Extramural Utterances” that a “faculty member’s expression 
of opinion as a citizen cannot constitute grounds for dismissal unless 
it clearly demonstrates the faculty member’s unfitness to serve.” The 
AAUP points out that this is a high threshold to meet, and must be 
decided upon not by administration but rather by “an 
appropriate—preferably elected—faculty committee.” Furthermore, single 
utterances must also be weighed against “the faculty member’s entire 
record as a teacher and scholar.” The Trinity College Faculty Manual, 
designed around AAUP principles, provides similar protections for 
academic freedom (for example, Policy Statement B.9)


In addition to the examples given in the AAUP’s report cited above, 
there are two recent examples of how the AAUP has defended statements 
made on social media as protected under academic freedom.
First, after the University of Illinois—Urbana/Champaign fired Steven 
Salaita for his comments on Twitter about Israel’s invasion of Gaza, the 
AAUP imposed censure on the institution for violating Salaita's academic 
freedom. UIUC has since adopted policies regarding extramural speech, 
which flow through traditional venues of faculty governance. Based on 
the recommendations of faculty, the AAUP will soon vote on the removal 
of censure.


The AAUP has also supported Drexel professor George Ciccariello-Maher 
who posted a satirical statement about the fear white supremacists 
express about the “threat” racial inclusion, diversity, and 

[Marxism] Fwd: Russia is at a dead-end in Syria | USA | Al Jazeera

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2017/06/russia-dead-syria-170622113411176.html
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[Marxism] Fwd: Pussy Riot Criticizes Oliver Stone for Vladimir Putin Interview | Hollywood Reporter

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/pussy-riot-criticizes-oliver-stone-vladimir-putin-interview-1015974
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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-War]: Niebuhr on Gerolymatos, 'An International Civil War: Greece, 1943-1949'

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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-- Forwarded message --
From: H-Net Staff 
Date: Mon, Jun 26, 2017 at 8:15 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-War]: Niebuhr on Gerolymatos, 'An International
Civil War: Greece, 1943-1949'
To: h-rev...@h-net.msu.edu


André Gerolymatos.  An International Civil War: Greece, 1943-1949.
New Haven  Yale University Press, 2016.  432 pp.  $25.00 (paper),
ISBN 978-0-300-18060-2.

Reviewed by Robert Niebuhr (Barrett, The Honors College, Arizona
State University)
Published on H-War (June, 2017)
Commissioned by Margaret Sankey

André Gerolymatos has written a comprehensive study on perhaps the
most important period in modern Greek history. His volume provides a
nice balance between showing the reader the larger historical
significance while still venturing into detail that brings the story
some life.  Specialists in Balkan/Greek studies should find this
study inclusive and accessible while nonspecialists should appreciate
the adequate context throughout the narrative that neither strays too
far afield nor ends up trapping the reader in tangential specifics.
This book accomplishes for Greek history in the period of World War
II and the earliest years of the Cold War what Stevan Pavlowitch has
done for Yugoslavia in the same period (_Hitler's New Disorder: The
Second World War in Yugoslavia_, 2008). In that way, Gerolymatos
chronicles just how chaotic the Nazi occupation was for Greeks,
especially those in Athens, and sets up how this chaos spurred the
challenge over creating a post-Nazi government.

Divided into nine substantive chapters, the book provides a complex
and nuanced topic with a logical platform. Gerolymatos starts with an
overview of the creation of the modern Greek state and gives some
contextual notes regarding the political situation in Greece on the
eve of World War II. This sort of background clearly helps
nonspecialists but I think this is actually one of the weaker
sections of the book in part because it misses an opportunity.
Specifically, these introductory remarks set up how divided Greece
was, especially given the refugees from Asia Minor by the 1920s, but
it does not go into enough detail regarding the history of Marxist
groups during this critical period. Since the civil war in Greece
took on a form that roughly corresponded to a generic Left versus
Right, it would have been instructive to learn more about the few
Greek Communists who operated prior to World War II. Were these
thinkers or writers in exile between the wars, did they spend time in
the Soviet Union, were they educated in Vienna? There may have been
only a few Communists, but this is a critical point when considering
aspects of the civil war once the Nazis retreated. For instance, how
could the Communist Party of Greece (Kommounistikó Kómma Elládas,
or_ _KKE) construct a legitimate government, win support from or be
powerful enough to bully the people, or simply act as a puppet of
foreign Communist powers? All of those dilemmas posed serious
challenges to the KKE's potential success, but in a broader sense the
lack of a powerful domestic movement would likely have doomed the KKE
regime to resemble the Nazi puppet state during the war.

There are a host of names, acronyms, and groups in this
story--something that undergraduates would surely bemoan--but
Gerolymatos does a nice job of keeping the reader on track. Chapters
unfold in a largely chronological fashion, which makes the book easy
to follow.  This reviewer had the most interest in the later
chapters, especially when one considers the larger Cold War struggle
that had already emerged by 1947. Intersected with the Cold War
contests for power, issues of identity become apparent in this
history, as Greeks continued to struggle over not only what type of
political system they would follow (i.e., which system had legitimacy
by the end of the war) but also who they were as Greeks. A nice
background to this aspect, including the so-called Macedonian
Question from the nineteenth century, helps us understand how
important identity politics had become in the 1940s. These two
realms--the political and the personal--were intertwined; for
instance, Gerolymatos recounts how the BBC's Kenneth Matthews
reported on how various sides used identity as a test: "Is
Thessalonica a Greek or a Bulgarian City?" (p. 225).

Thessalonica, of course, was not limited to a contest between
Bulgaria and Greece but also included the motivated Yugoslav regime
in the north. Josip Broz Tito had a hand in nearly all of the major
events in the region, from activity in Austrian Carinthia and Trieste
in the north to the domination of Enver Hoxha's Albanian state 

Re: [Marxism] Marxism Digest, Vol 164, Issue 34

[Peggy Dobbins via Marxism]

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Replying to:
On Jun 26, 2017, at 1:41 PM, marxism-requ...@lists.csbs.utah.edu wrote:
> 
> NY Times Op-Ed, June 26 2017
> Back to the Future via Finland Station
> by Bhaskar Sunkara
In the time of Marx, also Lenin, also Mao, pegging a universally accepted 
currency for measuring and exchanging  equitable amounts of different forms of 
labour time was inconceivable. Today labor time added between each monetization 
is tracked around the globe to the nanosecond.  

But take care.

If exchanges are truly equitable -- 5 hours of labor replicating a virus that 
may or may not knock out cancer cells exchanged for 5 WTCs (World  Treasury 
Chits)exchanged for 5 hours of labor massaging my back or my ego -- no wealth, 
common or private, is created.  

 It is only when meeting our wants, defined as desires OR needs, requires less 
[world average] labor TIME from others than we are, for whatever reason, 
willing to perform, that a social surplus is created.  Because this surplus 
enters our consciousness monetized, as surplus value, and much more of it is 
expropriated as the private property of a few than as taxes which can 
conceivably be reallocated, reinvested, redistributed democratically, we 
haven't thought about how important getting this right is to successfully 
transform societ[ies] run by agrandizers of privately controlled capital to 
ones run by socialists. 
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[Marxism] Claudio Katz: The Left and Venezuela

[Richard Fidler via Marxism]

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SUMMARY

The media keep silent about the violence of the Venezuelan opposition and the
prevailing repression by the right-wing governments of Latin America. The
Right's strategy of an institutional coup faces serious limits, but the Left
must address this new threat, supporting anti-imperialist decisions and making a
distinction between the capitalist boycott and the government's ineffectiveness.

Adhering to social-democratic standards, the post-progressive "critical left"
objects to Chavismo, dismissing the danger of a coup, and mistakenly identifying
authoritarianism as the main danger. The dogmatists overlook the main enemy and
converge with the conservatives or slip toward passive neutrality.

The Right only wants elections it is sure it will win. In these very adverse
conditions, the Constituent Assembly re-opens opportunities and points to a
re-encounter with radical intellectual thought.

Full Text (pdf):
https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B0Q-0xxlqzOeT1lxdDdZQ3hyQWM/view



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[Marxism] Fwd: H-Net Review [H-FedHist]: Farmer on Kanter, 'Presidential Libraries as Performance: Curating American Character from Herbert Hoover to George W. Bush'

[Andrew Stewart via Marxism]

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-- Forwarded message --
From: H-Net Staff 
Date: Mon, Jun 26, 2017 at 11:42 AM
Subject: H-Net Review [H-FedHist]: Farmer on Kanter, 'Presidential
Libraries as Performance: Curating American Character from Herbert Hoover
to George W. Bush'
To: h-rev...@h-net.msu.edu


Jodi Kanter.  Presidential Libraries as Performance: Curating
American Character from Herbert Hoover to George W. Bush.  Carbondale
 Southern Illinois University Press, 2016.  198 pp.  $35.00 (paper),
ISBN 978-0-8093-3520-6.

Reviewed by Mindy Farmer (Kent State University and May 4 Museum)
Published on H-FedHist (June, 2017)
Commissioned by Caryn E. Neumann

Presidential libraries are odd institutions. They house the
presidential archives, where federal employees work to preserve,
protect, and serve to researchers both the most sensitive and most
mundane documents. An important part of the executive branch, they
prove that in the United States, the government is transparent and,
with a few exceptions, the papers of the president belong to the
people. At the same time, the same federal workers oversee the
presidential museum, with exhibits shaped and often financed by a
private presidential foundation. These foundations are often
populated by White House employees, the president's family, and loyal
supporters whose unstated, but understandable, goal is to create a
compelling, largely positive portrait of their former boss, loved
one, or friend. Sometimes these missions align, but often they do
not--a fact I know all too well. For five years, I served as the
Nixon Presidential Library's first education specialist. There I
worked with Timothy Naftali on the Watergate gallery, the subject of
first chapter of Jodi Kanter's newest work, _Presidential Library as
Performance: Curating American Character from Herbert Hoover to
George W. Bush_.

Kanter's work adds to an extremely small but telling scholarship on
these curious private-public partnerships. While presidential
libraries have been the subject of some excellent articles and book
chapters, there are only two other full manuscripts: Benjamin
Hufbauer's classic _Presidential Temples: How Memorials and Libraries
Shape Public Memory_ (2006) and Anthony Clark's more recent _The Last
Campaign: How Presidents Rewrite History, Run for Posterity, and
Enshrine Their Legacies _(2015)_._ As their titles imply, both of
these assessments of the presidential library system are rather
critical. Kanter comes to similar conclusion, but through a very
different lens. Where Hufbauer and Clark analyze the libraries from a
historical perspective, as an associate professor in theater, Kanter
combines museum and theatrical theory to evaluate the "presidential
museum performance." In keeping with this theme, the author examines
three different types of scripts found within the museums:
historical, representational, and cultural. Similarly, the book is
divided into three parts. In part 1, Kanter examines the "funding of
the museums and their spatial organizations" and insightfully
concludes that presidential libraries need to clearly communicate
which portions of the museum are funded by the foundation and which
are funded by the government (p. 10). The second, and strongest,
section explores the different aspects of "American character"
embodied in the life story, postpresidential accomplishments, legacy,
and design of each individual library and thereby each individual
president. In the third and final part, Kanter offers insight on how
to improve and diversify the museum experience.

At times, _Presidential Library as Performance_ reads like a
travelogue. This is both a strength and a weakness. In describing the
exhibits, some of which have since been removed, Kanter necessarily
acts as both guide and reviewer. This is engaging, but personal.
Guests experiences can vary greatly, especially when history and
memory collide. However, as Kanter correctly notes, the National
Archives and Record Administration (NARA), which administers the
presidential library system, has conducted very few visitor surveys
to serve as evidence for more thorough conclusions.

Though admittedly biased, I also believe Kanter overestimates the
ability of library directors to implement their own agenda. They
often face enormous pushback from NARA leadership. The struggle
between Naftali and his supervisors at the Nixon Library is far more
interesting than the fight between Naftali and the Nixon Foundation.
The Foundation's positions were mostly predictable. They respected
the former president and wanted to present him in the best possible
light. The reaction of NARA's leadership, 

[Marxism] Fwd: In Towns Already Hit by Steel Mill Closings, a New Casualty: Retail Jobs - The New York Times

[Michael Yates via Marxism]

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Louis linked a NYT article that discusses the loss of retail jobs, with a focus 
on Johnstown, PA, where as Louis notes, I worked and lived for many years. This 
town, which went overwhelmingly for Trump, is in desperate straights. Murders 
and drug overdoses have become commonplace, and the town keeps losing people as 
it deteriorates. The poor fellow the town hired to help revitalize the place, 
one Donald Bonk, whose family owned a corner grocery store there for 40 years, 
is truly delusional, thinking that there is any hope for the place. And one of 
Trump's top advisers, a jackass name Stephen Miller, seems to believe that the 
city's best days are ahead of it. His grandparents founded what was once a 
prosperous department store, Glossers, as well as a chain called Gee Bee. All 
gone now. Pretty much everything is gone. First the steel mills, then the pork 
barrel enterprises the late local congressman John Murtha schemed to get to 
come the area (Pelosi is a Murtha protege, not a mark in 
 her favor). Now retail is going.  When I moved there, in 1969 there were 
almost as many steelworkers as there are people now. How the college where I 
taught is still in business is a mystery. No doubt by taking anybody who ca 
breathe!
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Re: [Marxism] Mathematical economics and political economy in the Soviet Union

[Andrew Pollack via Marxism]

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All very useful, thanks Jim and John.

I've mentioned here and on Facebook the relevance of the logistics
revolution - most recently manifested in the Amazon/Whole Foods merger - to
these questions by virtue of the computing power behind them. It would be
good IMO to get details on this, for instance what computer programs and
mathematical tools are used by leaders in the field for their just-in-time
stocking, their next day delivery, etc. etc.

All of this, of course, must be coupled with the reminder that it's not
always rocket science needed. In the article Louis forwarded on Johnston -
and another Times article this weekend on why men won't take nursing jobs
(the punchline of the author: because they suck) - it's clear to those who
want clarity that you don't need even a PC to figure out how to shift
resources from manufacturing to care work.
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Re: [Marxism] Capitalism is national and imperialist, not transnational | Fred Magdoff | MR Online

[Fred Murphy via Marxism]

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I like Saskia Sassen's approach to this question -

Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global AssemblagesPrinceton
University Press, 2008 updated 2nd ed. (1st ed. 2006)

*From the publisher*: Where does the nation-state end and globalization
begin? In *Territory, Authority, Rights*, one of the world's leading
authorities on globalization shows how the national state made today's
global era possible. Saskia Sassen argues that even while globalization is
best understood as "denationalization," it continues to be shaped,
channeled, and enabled by institutions and networks originally developed
with nations in mind, such as the rule of law and respect for private
authority. This process of state making produced some of the capabilities
enabling the global era. The difference is that these capabilities have
become part of new organizing logics: actors other than nation-states
deploy them for new purposes. Sassen builds her case by examining how three
components of any society in any age--territory, authority, and
rights--have changed in themselves and in their interrelationships across
three major historical "assemblages": the medieval, the national, and the
global.

On Sun, Jun 25, 2017 at 4:43 AM, Kevin Lindemann and Cathy Campo via
Marxism  wrote:

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> https://mronline.org/2017/06/22/capitalism-is-national-and-
> imperialist-not-transnational/
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Re: [Marxism] Mathematical economics and political economy in the Soviet Union

[John A Imani via Marxism]

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Comrades,

In his posting (below) Jim Farmelent mentioned Leonid Kantorovich (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leonid_Kantorovich) as well as Paul Cockshott
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Cockshott).

Here is Cockshott's article on Kantorovich, 'Calculation in Natura' (
https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0e3a/443d6fb314eb8b160576faa9928aa151d6fb.pdf),
in which he begins with Otto Neurath’s (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Otto_Neurath) proposition that economic
calculation can be done and the efficient usage of resources accomplished
without reference to a scalar "whether this be money, labour hours or
kilowatt hours" (p12). Neurath supported his contention with reference to
lessons that could be learned from

"The war (WWI) economy had...been largely an in-kind economy. As a result
of the war the in-kind calculus was applied more often and more
systematically than before... It was all to apparent that war was fought
with ammunition and the supply of food, not with money." (pp9-10).

But, Cockshott writes, Neurath "arguably did not provide a practical means
of doing this..." (p9). However Kantorovich did. Prior to examining that
work Cockshott gives a tip of the hat to the contributions of John von
Neumann (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_von_Neumann), eminent
mathematician and quantum theorist whose work "unified the matrix mechanics
of Heisenberg with the wave mechanics of Schrodinger" (15). Cockshott
details that "His work on quantum mechanics coincided with the first draft
of his economic growth model given as a lecture in Princeton in 1932. In
both fields he employs vector spaces and matrix operators over vector
spaces, complex vector spaces in the quantum-mechanical case, and real
vector spaces in the growth model."

While the language of the math-science is at or above my level of
comprehension, a conclusion that he applied abstract mathematical modeling
to the real problems of economic efficiency is plain (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_von_Neumann#Mathematical_economics).
Cockshott cites others in proposing that von Neuman's insights were
precursed by Robert Remak (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Remak_%28mathematician%29) who showed
"for the first time how, starting from an in-natura description of the
conditions of production, one can derive an equilibrium system of prices"
(15). It is then asserted that von Neumann improved on this thinking by
allowing "for there to be multiple techniques to produce any given
good-Remak only allowed one" (16).

However, "In the early 30s, no algorithmic techniques were known which
would solve the more general problem where there can be joint production
and multiple possible techniques to produce individual products" (17) when
"Kantorovich came up with a method which later came to be known as linear
programming or linear optimisation (19). Kantorovich wrote:

"I discovered that a whole range of problems of the most diverse character
relating to the scientific organization of production (questions of the
optimum distribution of the work of machines and mechanisms, the
minimization of scrap, the best utilization of raw materials and local
materials, fuel, transportation, and so on) lead to the formulation of a
single group of mathematical problems (extrernal problems). These problems
are not directly comparable to problems considered in mathematical
analysis. It is more correct to say that they are formally similar, and
even turn out to be formally very simple, but the process of solving them
with which one is faced [i.e., by mathematical analysis] is practically
completely unusable, since it requires the solution of tens of thousands or
even millions of systems of equations for completion. I have succeeded in
finding a comparatively simple general method of solving this group of
problems which is applicable to all the problems I have mentioned, and is
sufficiently simple and effective for their solution to be made completely
achievable under practical conditions" (19).

Cockshott sums this up as "What was significant about Kantorovich’s work
was that he showed that it was possible, starting out from a description in
purely physical terms of the various production techniques available, to
use a determinate mathematical procedure to determine which combination of
techniques will best meet plan targets" (19)." Cockshott goes on to
describe Kantorovich's method and math in an altogether fascinating
demonstration in which different machines with different capabilities even
making different products and even different quantities of those different
products can be chosen from the myriad of possibilities so as to achieve
maximal results from 

[Marxism] How Putin Seduced Oliver Stone — and Trump

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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NY Times Op-Ed, June 27 2017
How Putin Seduced Oliver Stone — and Trump
by Masha Gessen

Watching four hours of Oliver Stone interviewing President Vladimir 
Putin of Russia is not a lesson in journalism. Mr. Stone is an inept 
interviewer, and he does not get Mr. Putin to say anything the world 
hasn’t heard from him before. Watching the interviews for entertainment 
is a questionable proposition, too: The four-part series contains many 
dull exchanges and even more filler, like footage of the two men 
watching “Dr. Strangelove” together.


Still, “The Putin Interviews,” which were released this month by 
Showtime, may be worth watching for the view they provide of a 
particular kind of relationship.


Many Americans have been looking for an explanation for Mr. Trump’s 
apparent adoration of Mr. Putin. How can a powerful, wealthy American 
man hold affection for the tyrannical, corrupt leader of a hostile power?


Oddly, “The Putin Interviews” provide psychological and intellectual 
answers to that question. For Mr. Stone appears to have the same sort of 
breathless admiration for Mr. Putin as Mr. Trump does. In filming their 
interaction, he has broadcast the conditions on which this kind of 
admiration rests. Should you ever wish to experience affection for a 
dictator, you too should make sure that these conditions are in place.


Condition No. 1: Ignorance. It helps that Mr. Stone seems to have only 
the most vague, and largely inaccurate, ideas about Mr. Putin’s 
biography and Russian history. Mr. Stone’s ignorance of his subject 
allows him to listen uncritically as Mr. Putin lies.


In Episode 2, responding to a question about the state of democracy in 
Russia, Mr. Putin claims that Russia has “hundreds of television 
companies” that the state could not control if it tried. This is untrue 
but goes unchallenged.


In Episode 3, Mr. Putin tells a long and winding story about the origins 
of the war in Ukraine, culminating in the claim that the war began after 
nationalist Ukrainian Special Forces kidnapped ethnic Russians from 
eastern Ukraine. Mr. Stone appears to accept these fantastical claims.


Condition No. 2: A love of power and grandeur. Episode 2 is the story of 
a courtship, of sorts. Mr. Putin shows Mr. Stone his horse stables 
(intercut with stills of Mr. Putin riding). Then the two men watch a 
movie together. Then Mr. Stone watches Mr. Putin play hockey and fawns, 
praising Mr. Putin’s athletic prowess and vitality.


Then Mr. Stone brings up the thorny subject of L.G.B.T. rights, which 
Mr. Putin takes as an opportunity to assert both his desirability and 
his homophobia: He says that he would not enter a shower stall with a 
gay man because he wouldn’t want to tempt him, and because he is a 
master of judo. In other words, the hypothetical gay man would find Mr. 
Putin irresistible, and Mr. Putin would have to beat him up. Both Mr. 
Putin and Mr. Stone seem to find this scenario entertaining.


In Episode 3, Mr. Putin shows Mr. Stone his home in Sochi. Mr. Stone is 
duly impressed. Then they go to the Kremlin. “This is a pretty big place 
you’ve got here,” Mr. Stone enthuses. “Can you show me around?”


Mr. Putin obliges, taking Mr. Stone to an office where a monitor is 
broadcasting — perhaps on a loop — Mr. Putin’s famous 2007 speech 
denouncing NATO and the West, and to another office, where the Russian 
president keeps a portrait of his father as a young sailor in Crimea. At 
the conclusion of the episode, Mr. Stone recites to Mr. Putin the 
Russian president’s own speech about the annexation of Crimea. Mr. Stone 
seems to enjoy having Mr. Putin’s words in his mouth. Mr. Putin is 
clearly pleased to hear his own speech, albeit in English.


Condition No. 3: Shared prejudice. Mr. Stone and Mr. Putin are both 
terrified of Muslims. This shared view facilitates much of their 
conversation. In Episode 1, Mr. Stone informed Mr. Putin that William J. 
Casey, who led the C.I.A. in the 1980s, had a project “to excite the 
Muslims in the Caucasus in Central Asia.” (Mr. Stone is apparently 
unaware that the Caucasus and Central Asia are two different regions, 
hundreds of miles apart.)


In Episode 2, Mr. Stone offers his sympathy to Mr. Putin: “You mentioned 
earlier, the white, the ethnic Russian population is diminishing,” he 
says, apparently believing that Russia was, consequently, in danger. But 
Mr. Putin has good news: “Fortunately, we have reversed this situation. 
For three years running, we have had population growth, including in 
regions that are historically majority ethnic-Russian.” Mr. Putin 
practically appears to be the savior of the white race.

[Marxism] Fwd: In Towns Already Hit by Steel Mill Closings, a New Casualty: Retail Jobs - The New York Times

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Best seen on NYT website for the photos of hard-hit Johnstown, where 
Michael Yates taught for many years.


https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/25/business/economy/amazon-retail-jobs-pennsylvania.html
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[Marxism] Back to the Future via Finland Station

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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(Utterly incoherent.)

NY Times Op-Ed, June 26 2017
Back to the Future via Finland Station
by Bhaskar Sunkara

One hundred years after Lenin’s sealed train arrived at Finland Station 
and set into motion the events that led to Stalin’s gulags, the idea 
that we should return to this history for inspiration might sound 
absurd. But there was good reason that the Bolsheviks once called 
themselves “social democrats.” They were part of a broad movement of 
growing parties that aimed to fight for greater political democracy and, 
using the wealth and the new working class created by capitalism, extend 
democratic rights into the social and economic spheres, which no 
capitalist would permit.


The early Communist movement never rejected this broad premise. It was 
born out of a sense of betrayal by the more moderate left-wing parties 
of the Second International, the alliance of socialist and labor parties 
from 20 countries that formed in Paris in 1889. Across Europe, party 
after party did the unthinkable, abandoned their pledges to 
working-class solidarity for all nations, and backed their respective 
governments in World War I. Those that remained loyal to the old ideas 
called themselves Communists to distance themselves from the socialists 
who had abetted a slaughter that claimed 16 million lives. (Amid the 
carnage, the Second International itself fell apart in 1916.)


Of course, the Communists’ noble gambit to stop the war and blaze a 
humane path to modernity in backward Russia ended up seemingly affirming 
the Burkean notion that any attempt to upturn an unjust order would end 
up only creating another.


Most socialists have been chastened by the lessons of 20th-century 
Communism. Today, many who would have cheered on the October Revolution 
have less confidence about the prospects for radically transforming the 
world in a single generation. They put an emphasis instead on political 
pluralism, dissent and diversity.


Still, the specter of socialism evokes fear of a new totalitarianism. A 
recent Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation report worries that 
young people are likely to view socialism favorably and that a “Bernie 
Sanders bounce” may be contributing to a millennial turn against 
capitalism. Last year, the president of the United States Chamber of 
Commerce, Thomas J. Donohue, even found it necessary to remind readers 
that “Socialism Is a Dangerous Path for America.”


The right still denounces socialism as an economic system that will lead 
to misery and privation, but with less emphasis on the political 
authoritarianism that often went hand in hand with socialism in power. 
This may be because elites today do not have democratic rights at the 
forefront of their minds — perhaps because they know that the societies 
they run are hard to justify on those terms.


Capitalism is an economic system: a way of organizing production for the 
market through private ownership and the profit motive. To the extent 
that it has permitted democracy, it has been with extreme reluctance. 
That’s why early workers’ movements like Britain’s Chartists in the 
early 19th century organized, first and foremost, for democratic rights. 
Capitalist and socialist leaders alike believed that the struggle for 
universal suffrage would encourage workers to use their votes in the 
political sphere to demand an economic order that put them in control.


It didn’t quite work out that way. Across the West, workers came to 
accept a sort of class compromise. Private enterprise would be tamed, 
not overcome, and a greater share of a growing pie would go to providing 
universal benefits through generous welfare states. Political rights 
would be enshrined, too, as capitalism evolved and adapted such that a 
democratic civil society and an authoritarian economic system made an 
unlikely, but seemingly successful, pairing.


In 2017, that arrangement is long dead. With working-class movements 
dormant, capital has run amok, charting a destructive course without 
even the promise of sustained growth. The anger that led to the election 
of Donald Trump in the United States and the Brexit vote in Britain is 
palpable. People feel as if they’re on a runaway train to an unknown 
destination and, for good reason, want back to familiar miseries.


Amid this turmoil, some fear a return to Finland Station via the 
avuncular shrugs of avowedly socialist leaders like Mr. Sanders and 
Jean-Luc Mélenchon in France. But the threat to democracy today is 
coming from the right, not the left. Politics seems to present two ways 
forward, both decidedly non-Stalinist forms of authoritarian collectivism.


“Singapore 

[Marxism] Andrew Jackson and the American Psyche--Book Review

[Ron Jacobs via Marxism]

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https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/06/23/andrew-jackson-and-the-american-psyche/

-- 
Check out my newest books ,* Capitalism
, Daydream
Sunset:60s Counterculture in the 70s
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[Marxism] Fwd: Why institutions should shield academics who are being attacked by conservative groups (essay)

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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For her part, Grundy admits that she was “completely naïve” about 
Twitter. “What I did not calculate was that there are people who hunt” 
for Twitter comments in order to stage coordinated attacks, she said. 
That is precisely what groups like Campus Reform do. They hunt for 
remarks that they can take out of context, whether on Twitter or in a 
commencement address, and then attack. Grundy says she didn’t realize 
that the title of professor, which suggests power and authority, made 
her a lightning rod for far-right attacks. Her experience suggests that 
while it’s impossible to fully guard against being attacked, publicly 
minded scholars must be wary of the political landscape in which they 
operate.


full: 
https://www.insidehighered.com/views/2017/06/26/why-institutions-should-shield-academics-who-are-being-attacked-conservative-groups

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[Marxism] Cole Porter - Within the Quota

[Ken Hiebert via Marxism]

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Interesting to see that Australia was one of the countries whose citizens were 
subject to restrictions.  And I recall that Harry Bridges, the central founder 
of the ILWU, was an immigrant from Australia
ken h

http://www.npr.org/2017/05/23/527582706/cole-porters-pro-immigration-ballet-gets-a-trump-era-revival
 

In the early 1920s, before he became an icon of the American songbook, composer 
Cole Porter  wrote the score 
for a protest ballet. The production, called Within the Quota, criticized 
restrictive immigration laws that had been passed by Congress. According to 
Princeton music professor Simon Morrison, who rediscovered the score two years 
ago in Yale's Porter archives, the show opened in New York at a time of fearful 
backlash against Polish, Greek and Australian immigrants arriving in the U.S. 
after World War I.
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[Marxism] Fwd: LENIN'S TOMB: You are living in a death cult.

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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http://www.leninology.co.uk/2017/06/you-are-living-in-death-cult.html
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[Marxism] Fwd: Lenin’s April Theses and the Russian Revolution – International Socialism

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Critique of Lars Lih.

http://isj.org.uk/lenins-april-theses-and-the-russian-revolution/
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[Marxism] The Korean War

[Philip Ferguson via Marxism]

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On June 25, 1950 the news was relayed to members of the American occupation
headquarters in Tokyo that “the South Koreans have attacked North
Korea”,[1] making good a threat by the South Korean ‘Defence’ Minister.
 “If we had our own way,” he had told a press conference the previous year,
“we would have started up already.  We are strong enough to march up and
take Pyongyang in a few days.”[2]  The sudden collapse of the South Korean
forces invading North Korea and the North Koreans’ rapid capture of Seoul,
the South Korean capital, ensured, however, that the conflict would be
widely remembered as the result of a surprise attack by the North Korean
regime on the South. . .

full at:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2013/07/29/the-korean-war-what-really-happened/
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[Marxism] The best of the 1960s

[Philip Ferguson via Marxism]

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The sixties was a period of dramatic social change.  Upheavals took place
across the world and crusty regimes and social norms were challenged almost
everywhere.  In Vietnam, the people fought US imperialism and its allies to
a standstill and a mass anti-intervention movement developed in the United
States, Australia, New Zealand and many other countries.  Students around
the world rebelled against archaic rules and regulations and over the big
political issues of the day, like Vietnam.

In the United States, an increasingly radicalised civil rights movement
brought the already-antiquated system of segregation (‘Jim Crow’) in the
southern states to an end and exposed the racist structures and practices
of the rest of the country.  New Zealand saw a resurgence of Maori rights
activism, around issues of te reo, land rights, police brutality and the
capitalist structures which put Maori at the bottom of society.

Around the world, a new, dynamic movement. . .

https://rdln.wordpress.com/2015/01/18/the-sixties/
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