[Marxism] cartoons and class struggle

2017-11-21 Thread Dennis Brasky via Marxism
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In 1941, Disney animators walked off work to demand that the New Deal be
brought to the Magic Kingdom.



https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/11/disney-animators-strike-union-busting
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[Marxism] The Story of Appalachia, With Plenty of Villains

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times, Nov. 21 2017
The Story of Appalachia, With Plenty of Villains
By DWIGHT GARNER NOV. 20, 2017

Ramp Hollow: The Ordeal of Appalachia
By Steven Stoll
Illustrated. 410 pages. Hill and Wang. $30.

The novelist John Knowles (1926-2001) attended Phillips Exeter and Yale, 
and is the author of “A Separate Peace,” the quintessential American 
prep school novel. But he was born in West Virginia. Sometimes his 
fiction was set there.


In his novel “A Vein of Riches” (1978), Knowles described the wealthy, 
exploitative, coal mine-owning Catherwood family. Young Lyle Catherwood 
wanted out because he understood that a “labyrinth of clammy menace 
underlay every limousine, tea dance and dividend in the world above.”


Knowles’s own father was a coal company executive. The novelist may have 
been describing his own unease and need for escape.


Moral qualms of the sort Lyle expressed, about denuding the landscape 
and impoverishing the people of West Virginia, were rare indeed, if you 
believe Steven Stoll, the author of “Ramp Hollow: The Ordeal of 
Appalachia.” His book is a powerful and outrage-making if somewhat 
academic analysis of the forces that have made West Virginia one of the 
sorriest places — statistically, at any rate — to live in America.


“Ramp Hollow” is not “Hillbilly Elegy” redux. Stoll, a professor of 
history at Fordham University, does not relate his own story, and his 
book is not especially warm to the touch. But as economic history it is 
gravid and well made.


Stoll describes how outsiders did their worst to the agrarian 
smallholders of Appalachia: taking their land by fiat in the 19th 
century and later stripping the region’s trees for lumber and violating 
its landscape in the extrication of coal. Thus dispossessed, these 
people were at the mercy of mine owners for sustenance, sent daily for 
pitiful wages into sphincters of the earth.


Worse, these smallholders were betrayed by their representatives. About 
West Virginia, Stoll writes, “Perhaps no political leadership anywhere 
in the United States or the Atlantic World ever exposed its own people 
and environment to the same unbridled destruction and abuse.”


This is granular history, especially when it comes to dispossession. 
This book’s primary sentence is probably this one: “I am interested in 
how people get kicked off land and why we don’t talk about them.” Native 
Americans and African-Americans are considered at some length in this 
book, but Stoll’s primary focus is on poor whites.


He delivers a painstaking history of how public land became real estate, 
and how hundreds if not thousands of people were pushed aside by one or 
two barons. Steal a little and they throw you in jail, as the Bob Dylan 
lyric has it; steal a lot and they make you king.


Stoll lingers on England in the 16th century, when lords for the first 
time began to turn the countryside into real estate though a process of 
enclosure, eliminating common land used for hunting and herding and 
planting. He draws a line between these lords and those who divvied up 
Appalachia’s land from afar.


“Ramp Hollow” suggests a litany of villains. Early ones included 
Alexander Hamilton, who as secretary of the Treasury tried to tax the 
many Appalachians who made alcohol, leading to the Whiskey Rebellion. 
(Stoll renames this the Rye Rebellion, by the way, a decision that will 
surely lead to some 90-proof think pieces from this country’s drinks 
pundits.)


Hamilton, like many who came after him, wished to modernize Appalachians 
and drag them by their stringy beards into the circuit of capital. Stoll 
argues they were mostly better left alone. These people were not poor by 
their own standards; they simply made do for themselves, and often made 
do quite well.


Stoll takes his time building this story for a reason. “Seeing the world 
without the past would be like visiting a city after a devastating 
hurricane and declaring that the people there have always lived in 
ruins.” Those that preyed on Appalachians, he writes, turned them into 
“the horrifying hillbillies that lowlanders had always assumed them to be.”


Stoll clings to a different vision of what the United States could be. 
His book becomes a withering indictment of rapacious capitalism. We 
behave as if capitalism itself were “nailed to the roof of heaven,” he 
writes, and few dare to question its assumptions.


He is aghast that so many Appalachians vote against their own interests. 
(West Virginia went heavily for Donald Trump.) He posits that jobs 
versus health is a false choice. He suggests a way forward that includes 
reparations, the creation of new kinds of 

[Marxism] Colin Kaepernick and the Myth of the ‘Good’ Protest

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times Op-Ed, Nov. 21 2017
Colin Kaepernick and the Myth of the ‘Good’ Protest
By GLENDA ELIZABETH GILMORE

LAST week, the editors of GQ named the quarterback Colin Kaepernick its 
Citizen of the Year for his work protesting racial injustice. Mr. 
Kaepernick has been heavily criticized by people like President Trump, 
who claims that an N.F.L. player who kneels during the playing of the 
national anthem “disrespects our flag” and should be fired; others argue 
that he is out of bounds as an activist who mixes sports with politics.


The problem is that Mr. Kaepernick’s critics, and most of America, don’t 
really understand how protests work. Our textbooks and national 
mythology celebrate moments when single acts of civil disobedience, 
untainted by political organizations, seemed to change the course of 
history. But the ideal of the “good” protest — one that materialized 
from an individual’s epiphany — is a fantasy. More often, effective 
protest is like Mr. Kaepernick’s: it’s collective and contingent and all 
about long and difficult struggles.


Consider what most Americans would agree were two “good” protests: Rosa 
Parks’s refusal to move to the back of a bus in Montgomery, Ala., and 
the student sit-ins at a Woolworth lunch counter in Greensboro, N.C. 
Parks, the story goes, was exhausted from a day’s work and took a seat 
in the “whites only” section. To the astonishment of onlookers, she 
refused to give up her seat when asked. In Greensboro, black college 
students decided to eat at the local five-and-dime and initiated the 
first sit-in at a segregated Southern restaurant. They were idealistic 
and perhaps naïve.


These stories follow a set narrative. They are “firsts”: the first time 
a black woman refused to give up her seat or the first time students 
staged a sit-in. They seemed to arise spontaneously when someone fed up 
with unfair treatment couldn’t take it anymore. Good protesters act as 
individual citizens, untainted by associations with suspect political 
organizations.


The trouble is that these stories are historically inaccurate and 
obscure just how protest in the 20th century forged a more democratic 
country. A narrative with greater accuracy would allow us to better 
evaluate protests against racial discrimination. Earlier protests, 
similar to the one that Mr. Kaepernick started, sprang from protesters’ 
associations with activist organizations, were deeply political rather 
than individual, and played out in unfamiliar venues in new forms.


Protests that change history have their own long histories. They are 
almost never the first of their kind. Successful protesters plan 
campaigns, rather than respond to oppression in a single, spontaneous 
act. Protesters often belong to organizations that lend theoretical, 
moral and logistical support. Protests don’t reveal previously hidden 
wrongs to an unaware public. Instead, they cast those wrongs in a new 
light. They fail, time and time again. When they succeed, they win only 
partial victories.


Rosa Parks, for example, was a trained civil rights activist. She built 
on efforts that started in the 19th century to desegregate 
transportation and gained speed in the 1930s. In 1940, for example, 
Pauli Murray, a black woman, refused to give up her seat on a bus in 
Petersburg, Va.


Though most Americans today look back on the desegregation of public 
transportation with pride, most white Southerners opposed it vehemently, 
and many did so violently. During World War II, white passengers and bus 
drivers beat uniformed black soldiers who tried to integrate buses.


A. Philip Randolph knew that the emergency of war meant that these 
instances of discrimination ran counter to the nation’s interests. 
Randolph drew on his long experience as a labor leader to found the 
March on Washington Movement in 1941. The movement threatened to bring 
millions of African-Americans to Washington to protest; when President 
Franklin Roosevelt promised reforms, Randolph called off the march.


Throughout the war, the movement continued to train people who became 
civil rights protesters in the 1950s, including Pauli Murray. This 
pressure influenced the Supreme Court in 1946, which ordered 
desegregation on interstate buses in Morgan v. Virginia. That case set a 
precedent that Parks strategically worked to extend to local and state 
laws in Montgomery.


Just as Parks had done, the students sitting-in at the Woolworth counter 
drew from a long history of struggle. African-Americans had been “stool 
sitting” since the early 1940s. Howard University students in Washington 
staged some of the first sit-ins, which involved 

Re: [Marxism] DSA member identified in sexual harassment case

2017-11-21 Thread Mark Lause via Marxism
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When you said DSA in the subject line, I expected someone under 50.  :-)

John Conyers has probably been the most left wing member of the U.S.
Congress for decades.
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[Marxism] Nick Cave blasted for Israel performance

2017-11-21 Thread Gregory Adler via Marxism
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Acclaimed "alternative" songster Nick Cave has shown himself to be an
alternative to decency by performing in and speaking in defence of Israel

http://www.rollingstone.com/music/news/roger-waters-brian-eno-criticize-nick-cave-for-israel-concerts-w512232
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[Marxism] Fwd: First trailer for Syrian internet hacker doc 'The Disappeared' (exclusive) | News | Screen

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.screendaily.com/news/first-trailer-for-syrian-internet-hacker-doc-the-disappeared-exclusive/5124231.article
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[Marxism] Fwd: Climate summit’s solution to global warming: More talking « Systemic Disorder

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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Trump may be a denialist but the official body created to combat climate 
change might as well be.


https://systemicdisorder.wordpress.com/2017/11/21/climate-summit-talk-not-action/
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[Marxism] Fwd: Political Economy of Labour Repression in the United States: An Interview with Andrew Kolin – Radical Notes

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://radicalnotes.org/2017/11/15/political-economy-of-labour-repression-in-the-united-states-an-interview-with-andrew-kolin/
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[Marxism] Fwd: Evan Mawarire, the Zimbabwe Pastor Fighting Robert Mugabe | Time

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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http://time.com/4676282/evan-mawarire-interview-zimbabwe-politics-elections/
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[Marxism] DSA member identified in sexual harassment case

2017-11-21 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.buzzfeed.com/paulmcleod/she-complained-that-a-powerful-congressman-harassed-her
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