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(I have just finished reading Anand Gopal's "No Good Men Among the
Living", an amazing book about Afghanistan that I will be reviewing for
CounterPunch. The article below describes the morass that exists in
Afghanistan that Gopal's book puts under a microscope. Like the
occupation of Iraq, Afghanistan is a nation that will continue writhing
for quite some time to come.)
NY Times, Mar. 18 2015
Afghan Militia Leaders, Empowered by U.S. to Fight Taliban, Inspire Fear
in Villages
By JOSEPH GOLDSTEIN
KABUL, Afghanistan — Rahimullah used to be a farmer — just a “normal
person living an ordinary life,” as he put it. Then he formed his own
militia last year and found himself swept up in America’s exit strategy
from Afghanistan.
With about 20 men loyal to him, Rahimullah, 56, soon discovered a patron
in the United States Special Forces, who provided everything he needed:
rifles, ammunition, cash, even sandbags for a guard post in Aghu Jan, a
remote village in Ghazni Province.
Then the Americans pulled out, leaving Rahimullah behind as the local
strongman, and as his village’s only defense against a Taliban takeover.
“We are shivering with fear,” said one resident, Abdul Ahad. Then he
explained: He and his neighbors did not fear the Taliban nearly as much
as they did their protectors, Rahimullah’s militiamen, who have turned
to kidnappings and extortion.
Mr. Ahad ran afoul of them in January, he said in a telephone interview.
Militiamen hauled him to a guard station and beat him so badly that
neighbors had to use a wheelbarrow to get him home.
Scattered across Afghanistan, men like Rahimullah continue to hold
ground and rule villages. They are a significant part of the legacy of
the American war here, brought to power amid a Special Operations
counterinsurgency strategy that mobilized anti-Taliban militias in areas
beyond the grasp of the Afghan Army.
From the start, some Afghan officials, including former President Hamid
Karzai, objected to the Americans’ practice of forming militias that did
not answer directly to the Afghan government. They saw the militias as
destabilizing forces that undermined the government’s authority and
competed with efforts to build up large and professional military and
police forces.
Now, many of those concerns have become a daily reality in Afghan villages.
“For God’s sake, take these people away from us,” Mr. Ahad, 36, said of
Rahimullah’s militiamen. “We cannot stand their brutality.”
About 50 miles northeast of Mr. Ahad’s village, other anti-Taliban
fighters arrested a 13- or 14-year-old boy in January and then killed
him, the boy’s father said.
And in the northern province of Kunduz, men in a militia that had
received American support raped a 15-year-old boy last year after
forcing him to join, according to a United Nations inquiry.
From the beginning of the American presence here, the United States
doled out cash to militias and warlords. Paramilitary forces were raised
to guard American bases. The C.I.A. trained and funded at least six
paramilitary forces, with names such as the Khost Protection Force and
0-4, to pursue the Taliban and Al Qaeda.
The Afghan Local Police program, with nearly 30,000 Special
Forces-trained militiamen nominally answering to the central government,
is the biggest and best-known result of the American counterinsurgency
strategy, and it has been successful in places. But reports of abuses
and banditry by units in the program have hurt its reputation.
Then there are militia groups like Rahimullah’s that have also received
American training or support over the years but operate under even less
oversight.
In Ghazni Province, the drive to create militias gained momentum after a
series of anti-Taliban uprisings in 2012 emerged in areas once
considered lost. Until they pulled out of Ghazni’s districts last year,
American Special Operations units gave cash, ammunition and even armored
vehicles to men who had little or no official connection to the Afghan
government and were often former insurgents themselves.
One of them is Abdullah, a militia commander with a chiseled, almost
gaunt face, who wishes “my brothers,” as he still calls the American
Special Forces soldiers, had not left late last year. “Whatever they
wanted me to do, I would do for them,” he said. “If they tell me to kill
someone, I will kill them.”
The Americans, he said, had once fought alongside him in Ghazni’s Andar
district, offering a sense of discipline — not to mention firepower and
air support.
Abdullah described the growing desperation and brutality of a war he and
his 150 men now fight mostly alone against the Taliban. Abdullah said 11
of his men were killed in their sleep in late January by a Taliban
infiltrator posing as a new recruit. Then the Taliban followed up with a
coordinated attack on his guard post.
“In this attack, the Taliban hit me hard,” Abdullah said during an
interview last month in Kabul. He had come here to get medical treatment
for a gunshot wound he received in the attack, and to seek support from
Afghanistan’s intelligence agency.
Human rights groups portray Abdullah as being among Afghanistan’s most
notorious militia commanders. Human Rights Watch and the human rights
division of the United Nations have censured his militia in the past
year, citing extrajudicial killings. In an episode in January, one of
Abdullah’s sub-commanders killed the 13- or 14-year-old after
questioning him about roadside bombs, the boy’s father, Khial Mohammad,
said.
“After they killed my son, they said he was involved in planting bombs
on roadsides and cooperating with the Taliban fighters,” Mr. Mohammad
said. But he added that his son had had no involvement with the Taliban.
Abdullah insisted that he did not kill civilians. The Taliban, he said,
not he, were responsible for escalating the brutality.
Abdullah recalled the Americans lecturing him about the laws of war and
human rights, but those notions barely seemed to register. He admitted
to desecrating the bodies of his enemies.
“Yes, dead bodies are left on the ground,” he said. “We drag their dead
bodies with a car.”
The last time he saw the American Special Forces team was some five
months ago. “ ‘You did great work with us,’ ” Abdullah recalled the
soldiers telling him in parting. “ ‘If we stay in Afghanistan and we
need something to get done, we need people like you to do it for us,’
they said.”
Since the Americans left, many of these militias have become more
predatory, officials in Ghazni say, partly to feed themselves and partly
because there is no one to stop them.
“These uprisers, they are like roundworms in your stomach,” said Khial
Mohammad Hussaini, a tribal elder from Ghazni Province. “They are eating
everything.”
In another part of Ghazni, Rahimullah became a militia leader last year,
starting with about 20 men who joined him after the Taliban kidnapped
and killed his son.
In an interview, he expressed pride: In the eight months since he had
come to power, a school had reopened, and a new road was being built in
Aghu Jan, home to about 1,500 families, he said.
Asked about his militia’s treatment of the people, he acknowledged
expelling several of his men who had abused villagers. “I warned them
several times not to rob or harass the people,” Rahimullah said. But in
the same interview, he also claimed that many of the accusations against
his men were part of a pro-Taliban conspiracy.
He said that he had the support of Afghanistan’s intelligence service,
the National Directorate of Security, as well as the people of Aghu Jan.
But tribal elders routinely travel from Aghu Jan to the district and
provincial capital to complain about the heavy-handed ways of his men.
In January, when a roadside bomb wounded Rahimullah, retribution was
swift — and random. Militiamen rounded up over a dozen people and
brought them to the guard post the Americans had helped construct.
Mr. Ahad was one of those who was arrested. But he insists that he and
the others had nothing to do with the roadside bombing. Their innocence
was corroborated by the district police chief, Mohammad Hashem, who
described the men rounded up as day laborers and farmers. In the guard
station, the men were beaten with chains taken from motorcycles.
Rahimullah’s men told them the only thing they could do to save
themselves, Mr. Ahad said: “They started asking each of us to pay 50,000
or 100,000 rupees, depending on who we were.”
Ahmad Shakib contributed reporting.
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