[Marxism] Review of Avital Ronell's 'Complaint'

2018-09-07 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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By Scott McLemee

http://www.insidehighered.com/views/2018/09/07/review-avital-ronells-complaint
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[Marxism] How the Far Right Conquered Sweden

2018-09-07 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times Op-Ed, Sept. 7, 2018
How the Far Right Conquered Sweden
A bastion of social democracy, the country refused to deal with the 
realities of mass immigration.

By Jochen Bittner

Mr. Bittner is a political editor of the weekly newspaper Die Zeit.

STOCKHOLM — To understand why Sweden, a bastion of social democracy, 
might end up with a far-right party in government after national 
elections on Sunday, you need to take a walk with Ahmed Abdirahman.


An American-educated Somali immigrant who works as a policy analyst at 
the Stockholm Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Abdirahman grew up and now lives 
in the suburb of Rinkeby-Tensta, where some 90 percent of residents have 
a foreign background, roughly 80 percent live on welfare or earn low 
incomes and 42 percent are under age 25. It is a violent place: Sixteen 
people were killed there in 2016, mostly in drug-related conflicts, an 
unheard-of number in this typically peaceful country. As we walk along 
one of its main streets at 7 p.m., shopkeepers pull down the metal 
shutters in front of their windows, while young masked men on scooters 
start speeding through the streets. A police helicopter hovers overhead.


The segregation and violence of Rinkeby-Tensta, and the likelihood that 
the far-right, anti-immigrant Sweden Democrats party will win the most 
votes in this weekend’s national elections, are both the result of the 
country’s long-running unwillingness to deal with the realities of its 
immigration crisis.


For decades, Sweden, once a racially and culturally homogeneous country 
with an expansive social welfare system, insisted that it could absorb 
large numbers of non-European migrants without considering how those 
migrants should be integrated into Swedish society.


As they did in cities across Western Europe, migrants tended to cluster 
in low-income neighborhoods; facing poor job prospects and rampant 
employment discrimination, they naturally turned inward. More young 
women have started wearing the hijab recently, Mr. Abdirahman tells me, 
and more young men “internalize the otherness” — rejected by their new 
society, they embrace the stereotypes imposed upon them. This can lead 
to a point where they reject gay rights or liberalism as “white, Western 
ideas,” and even attack firefighters because they represent the state.


As we walk around, Mr. Abdirahman, who is single and childless, 
confesses: “When I came here in 1998, to me this place was paradise. 
Today, I wouldn’t want my children to grow up here.”


Mr. Abdirahman says he was lucky: His mother encouraged him to 
contribute to society and get a good education. He earned a degree in 
international studies in New York, then worked in Geneva and with the 
United States Embassy here before going to work with the chamber of 
commerce. Not all immigrants get the same push at home, he says; some 
parents discouraged their youngsters from going to the city center to 
mix. Sweden, he is afraid, has entered a vicious circle of immigration, 
segregation and growing mutual hostility.


The situation grew worse with the latest mass influx of refugees, in 
2015, after which a number of suburbs became almost exclusively migrant. 
Considered “no go” areas by some Swedes, these neighborhoods are known 
to outsiders only from horrific headlines. What people don’t get to see, 
Mr. Abdirahman worries, is the bus driver or the cleaning lady working 
themselves ragged to get their children into a university.


None of this is new, and yet the government, dominated by the 
traditionally strong Social Democrats and the centrist Moderate Party, 
did far too little. That left an opening for the Sweden Democrats, until 
recently a group relegated to the racist fringe of Swedish politics. In 
the past few years, the party has recast itself; just like the populist 
Alternative für Deutschland party in Germany and the Five Star Movement 
in Italy, it has repositioned itself as anti-establishment and 
anti-immigrant. The Sweden Democrats accuses all other political actors 
and the media of “destroying” Sweden, calls for a suspension of the 
right to asylum and promotes an exit of Sweden from the European Union.


The party has clocked up to 20 percent in the latest polls, enough to 
make a coalition government between the Social Democrats and the 
Moderate Party unlikely — and raising the chances that one of those 
parties will have to enter into a government with the Sweden Democrats. 
“If the major parties had been able to read the majority’s concerns, 
things would have been different,” Mr. Abdirahman says.


Similar stories have played out across Western Europe, from the 
Netherlands to 

Re: [Marxism] How the Far Right Conquered Sweden

2018-09-07 Thread Daniel Lindvall via Marxism
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Of course, the real reason for the generalized fears that are now turned in the 
direction of xenophobia and nationalism is the fact that inequality has risen 
faster in Sweden than in any other OECD country in the last 3 decades. A 
virtually complete abandonment of social housing policies with a severe housing 
shortage and skyrocketing prices and rents as a result, the world’s most 
neoliberal, for-profit school system (basically a copy of Pinochet’s system 
that has since been scrapped in Chile) and which foreseeably has led to 
segregation and a drop in results for everyone, zero taxes on inheritance and 
wealth, corporate taxes almost as low as in Ireland, and so on. And all the 
usual neoliberal policies, of course, leading to permanent mass unemployment, 
austerity in the public sector, an ever increasing share of the tax burden 
falling on the working class etc.


> 7 sep. 2018 kl. 18:30 skrev Louis Proyect via Marxism 
> :
> 
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> 
> NY Times Op-Ed, Sept. 7, 2018
> How the Far Right Conquered Sweden
> A bastion of social democracy, the country refused to deal with the realities 
> of mass immigration.
> By Jochen Bittner
> 

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[Marxism] What Would a Socialist America Look Like? - POLITICO Magazine

2018-09-07 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2018/09/03/what-would-a-socialist-america-look-like-219626


On the other hand:

What Socialist America Will Look Like
James P. Cannon

https://www.marxists.org/archive/cannon/works/1953/socialistamer.htm
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[Marxism] Operation Finale | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

2018-09-07 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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COUNTERPUNCH, SEPTEMBER 7, 2018

Having seen both a documentary and narrative film about Hannah Arendt 
that focused on her famous (and to some, infamous) reporting on the 
Adolf Eichmann trial in Jerusalem for The New Yorker magazine, I was 
curious to see what “Operation Finale” had to say. Directed by Paul 
Weitz, who is best known for commercial work like “American Pie” and 
“The Twilight Saga”, it chronicles the kidnapping of Adolf Eichmann in 
May 1960 by a team of Mossad agents led by Peter Malkin, who is played 
by Oscar Isaac. Ben Kingsley co-stars as Eichmann and makes a trip to 
your local movie theater worthwhile. Matthew Orton’s screenplay develops 
the Eichmann character close enough to Arendt’s “banality of evil” to 
have provoked the Times of Israel to fulminate:


	Having barely outlined Eichmann’s role in the genocide, the film 
proceeds to humanize him with the assistance of the Mossad team. 
Eichmann is spoon-fed like a bird, toasts a L’Chaim with Malkin, and 
performs calisthenics. There’s also a scene with Eichmann on the toilet 
bowl, during which he makes the Mossad agents laugh by telling Nazi jokes.


I doubt any actor could have done a better job than Kingsley who steals 
every scene, something not hard to do in a film that has not much to 
work with dramatically. Making a film about the abduction of Eichmann is 
hardly the stuff that would draw Mission Impossible fans to a theater. 
Even if “Operation Finale” devotes an inordinate amount of time in 
fleshing out the technical details in an elaborate plot to evade 
Argentina’s police, there is no suspense in a film that has a 
preordained conclusion.


full: https://louisproyect.org/2018/09/07/operation-finale/
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[Marxism] How Assad Made Truth a Casualty of War | by Muhammad Idrees Ahmad | NYR Daily | The New York Review of Books

2018-09-07 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.nybooks.com/daily/2018/09/07/how-assad-made-truth-a-casualty-of-war/
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Re: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA’s Founders

2018-09-07 Thread Steven L. Robinson via Marxism
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It is indeed a slander to link the current DSA with Max Shachtman.

The main predecessor organization to DSA, the Democratic Socialist Organizing 
Committee (DSOC) arose from  a  personal and organizational split of Michael 
Harrington with Shachtman, who died in late 1972 or early 1973.  Harrington 
announced his split with Shachtman in an article in the Nation in which he 
criticized, among other things, Shachtman's support of Richard Nixon in the 
1972 Presidential election. 

Shachtman died in late 1972 or early 1973 but his co-thinkers went on to found 
the Social Democrats USA. At no time was he linked to the DSOC, let alone DSA.

On the other hand, the legacy of Irving Howe - who is mentioned in the post 
that started this thread - is a real one, at least before the influx of new 
members. Even so,  whatever influence Howe's ideas - or those of Harrington, 
for that matter - might have on the 50,000 DSA members, would seem to be 
negligible. SR

> On September 7, 2018 at 4:04 PM Joaquin Bustelo via Marxism 
>  wrote:

> 
> This is a lying slime job against the DSA, based on the idea that the 
> DSA came into the world cursed by the mark of Cain due to Original Sin: 
> it was founded by the likes of Max Shachtman and Albert Shanker.
> 

> 
> Joaquín
> 

> >
> >
> 
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Re: [Marxism] Grappling With the Racism of the DSA’s Founders

2018-09-07 Thread Joaquin Bustelo via Marxism

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This is a lying slime job against the DSA, based on the idea that the 
DSA came into the world cursed by the mark of Cain due to Original Sin: 
it was founded by the likes of Max Shachtman and Albert Shanker.


Shactman's accomplishment is especially impressive since he died in 1972 
and the DSA wasn't founded until a decade later, in 1982.


I've written a response to this and a hatchet job he did on Alexandria 
Ocasio Cortez.  I sent it to Counterpunch but I've got to check whether 
they've posted it, if not I'll just send it here.


Joaquín


On 8/31/2018 1:15 PM, Louis Proyect via Marxism wrote:


https://www.counterpunch.org/2018/08/31/grappling-with-the-racism-of-the-dsas-founders/ 





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[Marxism] A dishonest sliming of DSA and Alexandria Ocasio Cortez

2018-09-07 Thread Joaquin Bustelo via Marxism

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[This is also on my blog now: 
http://hatueysashes.blogspot.com/2018/09/a-dishonest-sliming-of-dsa-and.html]


On August 31, Counterpunch published a bizarre and dishonest 
racism-baiting attack on the Democratic Socialists of America by Andrew 
Stewart.


 “Grappling with the racism of the DSA’s Founders” has the peculiarity 
that three of the five “founders” of the DSA --described by Stewart as 
“its early leaders/thinkers”—in reality had nothing to do with the DSA. 
So much so that one of them –Max Shachtman—had been dead for a decade by 
the time DSA was founded in 1982.


The other two, Albert Shanker and Bayard Rustin, were close associates 
of Shachtman. Rustin was the head of the Socialist Party and its 
successor organization, Social Democrats USA. Shanker was president of 
the New York teacher’s union from 1964 to 1985 and a close friend of 
Shachtman’s, though as far as I know not actively involved in socialist 
groups like the SP during those years.


By the early 1970s these three were the political enemies of the figure 
most associated with the DSA’s founding, Michael Harrington.


Harrington and those three had all been part of the Socialist Party, a 
political current of anti-Stalinist socialists. Over time, the SP’s 
anti-Stalinism increasingly became plain right-wing anticommunism and 
even in domestic politics the group shed most vestiges of its socialist 
past, coming out against the antiwar movement and the Black movement.


But a small part of the SP led by Harrington resisted the drift to the 
right and instead began to move to the left under the impact of the 
antiwar and other protest movements of the 1960s, leading to a split in 
the early 1970s between the progressive minority that founded the 
Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee, one the organizations that 
eventually joined to found of the DSA, and the right wing majority 
which, to make clear that they were not socialist and not a party became 
“Social Democrats USA” in 1972.


Stewart lies by saying the three from the right wing were founders of 
DSA. They were not. The purpose of the lie is to then saddle DSA with 
political responsibility for Shachtman’s rabid anticommunism, Shanker’s 
reactionary teacher’s strike in New York in 1968 against Black and 
Latino control of the schools in their neighborhoods, and Bayard 
Rustin’s attacks on Black nationalism taking advantage of his 
well-deserved prestige as the key behind-the-scenes organizer of the 
1963 March on Washington.


And if you insist that DSA is somehow responsible for the actions of 
those who years before the DSA existed were in the same group as Michael 
Harrington, then why not give DSA the credit for the 1963 “I have a 
dream" March of Washington, Shachtman’s leading role in resisting the 
rise of Stalinism in the 1920s and 1930s, and the things Shanker did to 
defend the legitimate interests of New York Teachers?


The reason, of course, in that this is an outrageous frame-up, the sort 
of thing I’d expect from Fox News or Inforwars, not a web site like 
Counterpunch.


Stewart also brings up Harrington’s opposition to the founding Port 
Huron Statement of Students for a Democratic Society in 1962. But 
Harrington later reversed course and the DSA was founded by the fusion 
of DSOC with the New American Movement, a group descended precisely from 
the early SDS.


Stewart begins his Philippic by trying to shield himself from the 
obvious criticism that this construct of his is based on events from a 
half century ago, has nothing to do with the real world DSA of today by 
admitting as much:


*  *  *
OK, with a serious dose of honest humility and respect, I will admit 
readily that the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) membership is 
doing some great stuff at the grassroots level  So this polemic will 
be relegated entirely to the founding generation of Democratic 
Socialists of America and its early leaders/thinkers.

*  *  *

But he continues by assailing the DSA’s electoral work with the 
paper-thin disguise of countering “a meta-narrative” supposedly being 
foisted by Jacobin and other outlets. According to Stewart, this story 
holds that after decades of failed efforts by everyone from the Greens 
to the SWP and the Communist Party, in its first try the DSA “has 
finally … brought socialism into the mainstream electoral realm,” and 
concluding  in ironic bold type:  “And with that, dear comrades, we 
shall now proceed to construct the Socialist order!”


And, of course, of course, of course, he proceeds to deconstruct to his 
own fabrication:


*  *  *
I am compelled to recall the great quote of Amilcar Cabral, “Tell no 

[Marxism] Remembering Jesse Lemisch, Radical Historian | The Nation

2018-09-07 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.thenation.com/article/remembering-jesse-lemisch-radical-historian/
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Re: [Marxism] Nicaraguan Contradictions

2018-09-07 Thread Joaquin Bustelo via Marxism

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On 9/5/2018 11:23 AM, John Reimann via Marxism wrote:


I think socialists really need to reflect on the direction the colonial
revolution has taken over the years, because Ortega is not some lone
exception

How has the colonial revolution degenerated so much? Isn't what we're
seeing visible proof of the theory of permanent revolution? After all, the
leadership of none of these revolutions linked the colonial revolution with
the overthrow of capitalism itself.

I don't think the Nicaraguan revolution "degenerated" at all. It was 
defeated, destroyed. Crushed. Drowned in blood and I believe that had 
been consummated before the election of Mrs Chamorro.


In the year 2000 I wrote a very long post on this list going over my 
experiences in Nicaragua where I lived for several years. About a year 
ago I put it on my blog and it is here: 
http://hatueysashes.blogspot.com/2017/01/from-archives-how-1980s-sandinista.html


Rereading it now, there are a couple of things I remember saying in 
other posts from that time. Mainly that there simply was no basis in 
Nicaragua for what they were trying to do economically and socially, 
though I'm not sure I put it that baldly. The policy of pressured 
collectivization ("forced" would be an exaggeration) was a conscious 
choice with the idea that this would smooth their transition to a 
planned economy, and that the social programs and economic benefits 
would help them sell it. Wheelock seemed to be totally committed to it.


This affected not just the worker-peasant alliance but the 
"worker-worker alliance." A lot of workers viewed themselves as 
displaced small farmers and what they wanted was land and to be left 
alone on their little homestead.


I'll repeat what I said in my post from 18 years ago: in four years I 
was in Nicaragua I never met a single peasant who had gotten  land to 
work on his own account from the revolution. On the contrary, I saw the 
FSLN oppose movements by agricultural workers to break up cotton estates 
and distribute them for their families to work individually. And I was 
on  the lookout because Mike Baumann and Jane Harris, who preceded me 
and my companion as Militant correspondents there, made a point of 
telling me that had been their experience.


In 1986 or 1987 the government did make a show of handing out land 
titles but to people who had long worked their parcels on the 
agricultural frontier and to people on state farms (technically turning 
them into cooperatives, a distinction  without a difference).  It did 
not change things internally, it was mostly paper. Although I do think 
it is true that it showed the FSLN leadership had realized the problem 
with the agrarian reform, and was beginning to change course.


As for the rest of their economic and social programs, they required a 
lot of resources from  abroad that was increasingly withheld. The one 
resource they did have was Cuba, but it could offer mostly personnel, 
and Nicaragua had decided to forgo the aid of Cuban civilians (like 
teachers and doctors) after the Grenada invasion. In part the reason was 
that they could not be armed, but with the war spreading, they were 
sitting ducks.


But of course that hit programs in the countryside especially hard 
because the Cubans were willing to go places the government  had a very 
hard time recruiting Nicas for.


So Nicaragua in a lot of ways got ahead of itself, and then was left 
twisting in the wind by the Soviets for the Americans to use as a 
punching bag. And I mean that quite literally. The Nicas had sent people 
to Eastern Europe to train as fighter pilots and helicopter pilots. They 
even built a military airport. Only a handful of helicopters had made it 
before the Soviets cut them off.


In the CNN documentary series Cold War produced in the 90s there are 
interviews with former Soviet foreign ministry officials that confirmed 
this is exactly what took place.


Could the revolution have survived if they'd gotten timely military 
resources to defeat the contra war? Looking back at the 1990s, I doubt 
it. The United States would have strangled them economically. And there 
was a very grave economic problem: they had already embarked on the road 
outlined in the Communist Manifesto:


*  *  *

We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working 
class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win 
the battle of democracy.


The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, 
all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of 
production in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariat organised 
as the ruling