RE: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet

2003-12-15 Thread Prem Chandavarkar

 Among the questions Nettime folks might consider: where will the radical
 left come in, or down, on all this?


The question that keeps coming up in my mind is Suppose Howard Dean does
succeed in becoming the next President of the United States, then what
will happen to the broad-based net-savvy network that his campaign
created? A non-traditional reform-oriented campaign can acquire a certain
buzz and energy when it lies outside the mainstream, is not too
interlinked with the conventional structures of power and governance, and
particularly when it can be placed in opposition to the current power
structure which can be critiqued as elitist and without sufficient respect
for ethics and human rights.

But what would happen if Dean were to become the epicentre of the
establishment?  Is it possible that the network that has been created can
be misused to become an instrument of propaganda and indoctrination?  
Should the members of the network think of the possibility that their
allegiance is really to a reform-oriented concept of open source
intelligence, rather than to a single political personality?  Is it
possible that left leaning reform works better (or perhaps only works)
when it is outside the establishment?

In a book he wrote some years ago Getting to the 21st Century: Voluntary
Action and the Global Agenda, David Korten traces the emergence of four
generations of voluntary action, personified in NGOs.  The first
generation was oriented purely towards charity.  Realising that this
merely created relationships of dependence, a second generation started
looking toward empowerment.  However empowerment based purely on local
practice ran up quickly against bottlenecks and a third generation emerged
which had acquired the ability to critique and construct policy.  Korten
placed his hope on a fourth generation which was beginning to emerge at
the end of the 20th century - whose new strength was based on its ability
to network.

But we also see a fifth generation emerging which is undoing the
achievements of the earlier progression - the NGO as contractor.  With
current philosophy of governance incorporating notions of downsizing,
outsourcing and privatisation a new scope emerged where NGOs found an
ability to work unhindered in their area of core competence.  But this has
raised serious concerns about NGOs being co-opted into the systems of
power. It has been felt that their traditional dynamism came when they lay
outside the establishment with an eye towards gaps in the system, towards
critique and repair.

Perhaps the future lies in merging two trends - the 3rd and 4th generation
NGOs that Korten identifies with the lessons that could be learned from
projects such as the Dean campaign.  Should we ask whether research in
political philosophy should shift its underpinnings in academia and
empiricism and move to an evolutionary approach with its foundations in
open source intelligence.

Prem Chandavarkar



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Re: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet

2003-12-14 Thread Carl Guderian

I'd hate Dean's supporters to confuse his popularity with
internet-literate voters with that of voters at large. If Dean is doing
well by traditional metrics--Gallup or Harris poll figures and amount of
money raised--then the buzz is warranted. As well, Iowa and New Hampshire
will provide a reality check.  Remember the 1936 polling debacle . The
Literary Digest, which had correctly predicted outcomes from 1916 to 1932,
failed spectacularly in 1936 when it backed Alf Landon against Franklin
Roosevelt. Up-and-coming pollster George Gallup predicted not only
Roosevelts's win over Landon, but he also predicted FDR's margin AND he
predicted The Literary Digest's prediction. Gallup's method of statistical
sampling beat the LD's method of mailing ever larger numbers of postcards
to people whose names they'd gotten from telephone books and state auto
registration records:

http://www3.uakron.edu/schlcomm/Caplan/stderr/stderr.html

The Literary Digest's sample was skewed heavily toward the relatively
well-off, who tended to vote Republican or at least conservatively.  
1936, in the Depression, this group was in a majority. Today, the economy
is sluggish, and people who care about the internet are in a minority.

(Also, don't get too confident in early numbers. In 1948, the pollsters
stopped polling a month before the election, and gave Dewey a narrow lead
over Truman. Oops.)


Carl


-- 
Games are very educational. Scrabble teaches us vocabulary, 
Monopoly teaches us cash-flow management, and DD teaches 
us to loot the bodies. 
-- Steve Jackson


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nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet [Holmes, Miller, Chandavarkar]

2003-12-12 Thread nettime's digesta

   Re: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet
 Brian Holmes [EMAIL PROTECTED]  

   Re: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet
 E. Miller [EMAIL PROTECTED]  

   RE: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet
 Prem Chandavarkar [EMAIL PROTECTED]


--

Date: Thu, 11 Dec 2003 21:37:16 +0100
From: Brian Holmes [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet

I find both Michael's observation and Mitch's grain of salt very
interesting. I have been wondering for some time how the constituency of
the Clintonian New Economy would mount its counterattack. Computer
communications technology clearly had to be at the center of it. Well, the
Dean campaign is it - the Times article that Michael links to makes that
obvious. There we learn that none other than Rheingold is a Dean
consultant - a Howard for Howard, as it were. (In fact the article
itself is a journalistic artefact that could only emerge from 1990s USA:
at one point it depicts the Dean campaign as something like a Grateful
Dead concert, where people travel 400 miles not to see a presidential
candidate but to see each other: Like, man, wow, good to see you're still
part of the campaign, man!).
 
That all this should be neither or a bed of roses or what we could expect
from a radically democratic development of the Internet merely stands to
reason. The New Economy depended on a meeting of two cultures. One was the
emergent elite of flexible accumulation, which lived by the
ever-fluctuating rules that Paolo Virno diagnosed in 1980s Italy:
opportunism, cynicism and fear (that great text is in the Radical Thought
in Italy book). Clinton-Rubin (because these are the two men who shaped
the 90s in the USA) represented the attempt to impose those rules on a
world scale, the scale of financial globalization. The other culture was
the far more utopian and uniquely uncritical breed of individual that
could only (re)emerge in places like California, where the livin' is easy.
In Europe we knew them through Wired, but maybe you have to live there to
know how strangely deep - and how absurdly shallow - their relation to the
political countercultures of the 60s really is.

As the Democratic heavy-hitters are gradually forced to recognize Dean, we
can expect the class composition of the campaign to increasingly reflect
this obscure marriage of fundamentally opposed dispositions. There is a
difference, though, from the New Economy days: the techies and deadheads
who spontaneously cheered at the moment of Seattle have now had the chance
to see what imperialism really is when the gloves come off, and what
down-home protofascism looks like too. And they've had some catatonic time
to think about it. Expect San Francisco - the San Francisco of the antiwar
protests - to make another contribution to national culture again, very
soon.

Since you all want predictions I'll make the obvious one: everything
depends on what happens in Baghdad. When the neoconservatives first took
stock of the popularity Dean had gained on the antiwar stump, they were
supremely confident: That's the man for us, they said. Because nobody
can win a presidential election on an unpatriotic platform, when our boys
are at risk. Now everything depends, as the sociologist Ulrich Beck
figured out long ago, on the public's evaluation of where the risk lies,
what its causes are, how it's likely to evolve in the near future. The
real struggle is there: in the definition of the risks. And in the media
used to define them. But the right have their blogs too.

best,

Brian


--

Date: Thu, 11 Dec 2003 14:39:21 -0800
From: E. Miller [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Re: nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet

The interesting thing about the Dean Internet initiatives is that they
really do get what appeals to young people about the 'net and the
blogosphere in particular.

There's a degree of reciprocity in these nascent systems, whether its the
blogosphere or a political campaign; a flattening of hierarchy, a petri dish
of ideas, a sense of we're all in this together that is reflected in
Dean's You have the power! tagline.  It appeals to young
techno-libertarians who are jaded about advertising and messages but are
still idealistic about new communicative mediums changing society...that is,
as long as you define 'society' as upper-middle-class technically literate
culturally homogeneous people with college degrees.

The hierarchical communicative nature of the current administration as well
as the other campaigns (Here's our message.  Eat it.) irks young netizens
just as they were irked by the hierarchical administrative nature of
traditional businesses.

Now whether or not this new model is congruent with the human

nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet

2003-12-11 Thread Michael H Goldhaber
Nettimers:

Howard Dean , by the current looks of things, has done something amazing
in American political history . Without being President or Vice
President he apparently has sewn up a major-party nomination before the
start of the election year. Things could come unglued, and part of the
earliness of his  success  may simply result from campaigning starting
earlier and earlier in successive election cycles. Still,  considering
Dean's  having come  out of nowhere (well, Vermont) much of his success
seems to be based on his highly sophisticated use of  the Internet:  as
an organizing  tool; for building support; as an extremely successful
means of fundraising; and to hold his supporters together.

Further, as the New York Times Magazine (
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/12/07/magazine/07DEAN.html ) points out, his
campaign has a sort of technological coordinator who has volunteers
writing new kinds of software for new modes of Internet  connection.
This has apparently helped him develop a  far more flexible, complete
and complex organization in early primary states than any predecessor or
competitor.

For non-Americans, I should add that the primary system as it now exists
is extremely weird, unrepresentative, and dominated by  a handful of
small states. It is generally thought that if one candidate wins both
the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary,  this candidate is
essentially guaranteed nomination. However, a front-runner who somehow
does not do as well as expected, especially in New Hampshire, can
sometimes be viewed as the loser even if actually ahead in the vote
there. The guess is though that Dean's support is so much stronger and
deeper in both places than anyone else's that such a turn around is
quite unlikely. He also seems to be ahead among Democrats in South
Carolina, even topping the charismatic Senator Edwards from neighboring
North Carolina.

I bring all this up in the hopes that nettimers will discuss this model
of politics via the Internet and what it might portend/teach.


--
Best,
Michael

Michael H. Goldhaber


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nettime The Dean campaign and the Internet

2003-12-11 Thread Mitch Pellecchia
Michael H. Goldhaber has this to say concerning Dean and the 
Internet

I bring all this up in the hopes that nettimers will discuss this model 
of politics via the Internet and what it might portend/teach.


What is really astonishing is how much money the Dean has raised over 
the Web. However, I still have yet to receive anything via the Internet 
asking for a donation, and I'm on a million mailers. What also amazes me 
is that Dean is no better a public speaker than Bush, yet he remains the 
Democratic front-runner. I would just hate to see the Internet create 
the same political environment as television advertising - It reaches 
out to groups who are more or less uninformed of the issues and 
vulnerable at every turn.

Mitch Pellecchia
FusedOnline.com

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