Alan A. Block, Space, Time Organized Crime:
As a way of initially placing the fascist presence in America, consider
Mussolini's reception in the United States. According to John P.
Diggins' history, Mussolini enjoyed a vast popularity which was a
product of the press. Diggins pointed out that The New York Times
correspondents' writing on Italy approved of fascism and Mussolini. One
of the most prolific was Anne O'Hare McCormick who rhapsodized upon the
feats of the Blackshirts and consistently defended the twists and turns
of Mussolini's diplomacy, justifying the Ethiopian invasion, the Italian
'volunteers' in Spain, and the Rome-Berlin axis. Like the
extraordinarily influential The New York Times which featured so many
rhapsodic articles on fascism, the mass circulation Saturday Evening
Post which had about three million subscribers in 1930 effectively
created a respectable image of Mussolini. Indeed, Post writers did much
more than make Mussolini respectable, they described him in numerous
articles as a political savior, and economic genius, and the leader
in the struggle of virtue over vice. In 1928, the Post went beyond
description of fascism and Mussolini, and in serial form published
Mussolini's autobiography. Negotiations for this publishing coup were
carried out by the American ambassador to Italy, Richard Washburn Child
who was infatuated with the Italian dictator and frequently conferred
with him on the state of American opinion. Most likely the Mussolini
autobiography published in the Post was in fact written by Child with
the aid of Mussolini's brother.
Fascism was well established and deeply entrenched within the
associational life of Italian-Americans. And, Generoso Pope as publisher
of pro-Fascist papers was clearly one of the most important Fascist
propagandists. Pope's Fascist activities, however, were not entirely
subsumed by his newspapers. As a man of influence Pope played a role in
legitimizing fascism by his participation in public events that extolled
Mussolini and Italian Fascism. For instance, he was a member of a
committee which arranged for the reception of Italo Balbo, Italian
airman, on January 3, 1929. A few weeks later, Piero Parini, director
of the bureau of Italians abroad and director general of the Italian
schools abroad at the Rome Foreign Office came to the United States.
While in New York, Parini received the honorary title of deputy sheriff
of New York County at a dinner arranged for him by Pope. The chief
editor of Il Progresso Italo-Americano was Italo Carlo Falbo who was a
friend of Mussolini's and also represented the state-controlled
Stefani News Agency in New York. Pope engaged in fund-raising activities
for the Reverend Joseph Congedo's educational endeavors among
Italian-American children which were laced with fascist propaganda. The
Reverend Congedo was knighted by Mussolini in 1932 for spreading the
fascist gospel. Early in 1934, Pope was a featured speaker at, what
Salvemini described, the golden anniversary of the priesthood of the
Fascist Reverend Francis P. Qrassi, paster of Saint Anthony, Wakefield,
Bronx. In March 1934, Pope sent a representative to a birthday of
Fascism party held at the Hotel Ambassador which had been promoted by
Il Grido delta Stirpe and was attended by Count di Revel and other
fascists. In October 1934 Pope sent a telegram of greeting and
approval to the Lictor Association which had promoted a celebration of
the March on Rome. Similar demonstrations took place in 1935 with Pope
either speaking or as one of the distinguished guests. He was especially
prominent in defending Italy's right to civilize Ethiopia during that
year.
With only one substantial exception which will be dealt with shortly,
there has never been any question of Pope's background in the
Italian-American fascist movement. There is, however, a substantial
question dealing with Pope and fascism which is concerned with precisely
when he actually denounced Mussolini and Fascism. Furthermore, there are
interpretive problems dealing with the meaning of Pope's anti-fascist
statements coming as they did in general after Italy and America were at
war.
Let us first deal with the exceptionPope's defender who claimed that he
was never even a Fascist sympathizer. In the spring of 1941, [Democratic
Party] Congressman Samuel Dickstein from New York took up cudgels for
Pope in the House of Representatives and answered newspaper allegations
that Pope had been a fascist sympathizer. Dickstein acknowledged that
Pope was the publisher of two, as he put it, outstanding Italian
newspapers, and then added that he was a benefactor to the poor and
that He always condemned fascism and the Mussolini movement. Several
months later, Dickstein continued his defense in Congress. This was
necessary because in the interim, Dickstein's original statement had
sparked a flurry of mail to Congress which as Dickstein stated
