I also do not have any answers - especially on the underlying issue. But let me 
make two points about the bigotry vs. sincere religious belief question.


1)      Does it change the argument any if one operates from the assumption 
that racism, despite our best efforts, continues to be tolerated (witness the 
most recent voting rights case)? This might suggest a prioritization argument 
(lets deal with racism first) or an interconnectedness argument (fighting the 
underlying racism in the country requires fighting sexism, homophobia etc.). 
Personally, I would lean toward the latter.



2)      As a Jew, there is something about the "sincere religious believer" vs. 
phobic-hater distinction that doesn't make sense. Does it matter whether 
someone excludes me because I am subhuman or because my ancestors killed their 
savior. Both sound pretty bad. To me the motivation matters less than what I, 
as a Jew, are excluded from.


As noted, I leave these questions for others. What worries me a bit is the idea 
that America is somehow a post-racial country.

Sincerely,
Rob Kahn
Associate Professor
University of St. Thomas School of Law
Minneapolis, MN 55403

phone: (651) 962-4807
email: rak...@stthomas.edu<mailto:rak...@stthomas.edu>



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Conkle, Daniel O.
Sent: Thursday, February 27, 2014 1:05 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: bigotry and sincere religious belief

I don't pretend to have definitive answers to the questions that Chip Lupu and 
Kevin Chen are discussing.  But I think the proper resolution of this debate 
calls for sensitive judgments depending as much on history and prudence as on 
logic and prior precedent.  In my view, the history of the United States - 
including the institution of slavery, the Civil War, the post-Civil War 
Amendments, Jim Crow, etc. - suggests that racial discrimination is indeed a 
matter of special and distinctive concern.  Moreover, putting aside other forms 
of discrimination, opposition to same-sex marriage, including (as already 
noted) that of President Obama until very recently, cannot readily be equated 
with bigotry.  President Obama explained his 2012 change of heart as reflecting 
a new understanding of his Christian faith, suggesting that his prior position 
likewise was informed by his religion.  Religious perspectives change over 
time, and there is little doubt that they are changing quite rapidly - and will 
continue to change - in this context.

So, during a period of breathtakingly rapid shifts in societal opinion, is now 
the time to declare that this is like racial discrimination and simply should 
not be tolerated?  Or should religious objectors - at least for now, at least 
in the context of same-sex marriage - be given serious respect, as dissenting 
members of the community, including a presumption that their opposition is 
grounded in something other than bigotry?  I tend toward the latter view.

Dan Conkle
************************************************
Daniel O. Conkle
Robert H. McKinney Professor of Law
Indiana University Maurer School of Law
Bloomington, Indiana  47405
(812) 855-4331
fax (812) 855-0555
e-mail con...@indiana.edu<mailto:con...@indiana.edu>
************************************************

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Ira Lupu
Sent: Thursday, February 27, 2014 12:15 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: bigotry and sincere religious belief

I'm very pleased that my former (and highly able) student Kevin Chen is now 
participating in the list discussion.  He wasn't shy about disagreeing with me 
in class, and his intellectual temperament has remained the same.  For now, I 
intend to wait for other answers (if any appear) to the bigotry vs. sincere 
religious belief problem before writing any more.  This is a delicate question, 
but it seems to me that it lies at the heart of discussions we have been having.

On Thu, Feb 27, 2014 at 10:39 AM, tznkai 
<tzn...@gmail.com<mailto:tzn...@gmail.com>> wrote:
I'm not sure how easily it could be done, but we ought to try on some level to 
protect the sincere religious beliefs

Because attempts to enforce by legal sanctions, acts obnoxious to go great a 
proportion of Citizens, tend to enervate the laws in general, and to slacken 
the bands of Society. If it be difficult to execute any law which is not 
generally deemed necessary or salutary, what must be the case, where it is 
deemed invalid and dangerous? And what may be the effect of so striking an 
example of impotency in the Government, on its general authority?
Of course, the government may very well succeed in closing businesses and 
closeting anti-gay bigotry, but that may also be problematic. The sword of the 
state creates quite a mess when attempting to spread small-l liberal goals into 
illiberal communities of conviction, and illiberal factions often grow 
stronger, not weaker as a result. When that community is, say, an Amish 
community living mostly separate from wider society, the costs fall only within 
that insular community. When that community is a living, breathing part of our 
polity, the costs to us, as a whole are great.

Separating religion from culture is a difficult, if not foolish errand, and 
likewise we should not read "genuine and free of conflating factors" into 
"sincere". Sincerity of belief is as simple as not lying, substantive burden is 
measured by the willingness of believers to pay the price of their beliefs. 
Pursuing comity in service of a just and stable society suggests we not ask 
believers to make the price of their conscience participation in our economy.

On the whole the current trends in protecting religious liberty are a cure 
worse than the disease however, because no good defense of religious liberty 
turns free of constraint into free of cost. The sin of Ollie (and that of David 
Green) is not following his conscience, but seeking full coverage under aegis 
of state laws without any compromise.

-Kevin Chen

On Thu, Feb 27, 2014 at 9:45 AM, Ira Lupu 
<icl...@law.gwu.edu<mailto:icl...@law.gwu.edu>> wrote:
I think that the politics of the moment, and the conversations we have been 
having (including the reference to Jim Oleske's provocative article about 
religious objections to inter-racial marriage compared to religious objections 
to same sex marriage, Interracial and Same-Sex Marriages: Similar Religious 
Objections, Very Different Responses
http://ssrn.com/abstract=2400100,
call for a burrowing into the question of what constitutes anti-gay bigotry and 
how it can be distinguished from "sincere religious objections" to same sex 
intimacy.   The history of racial prejudice in the U.S. suggests, and Jim's 
article shows, a deep structure of religious support and justification for 
segregation (and for slavery before that).  Of course, many racial bigots did 
NOT rely on religious justifications (I grew up in upstate NY, surrounded by 
bigots who never mentioned religion in their racial attitudes).  But some did 
so rely, and we now look back on them and say -- what?  Their religion was 
insincere?  Their religion was culturally determined by geography and Jim Crow 
culture? (Contrary to what has been written here, Jim Crow laws required 
segregation in government facilities, like public schools, but Jim Crow 
culture, NOT laws, kept lunch counters, hotels, restaurants, department stores, 
etc., segregated.  The public accommodations title of the Civil Rights Act of 
1964 may have pre-empted applications of trespass law, but it did not pre-empt 
state law requiring segregation in these private facilities.)   All religions, 
in the social practices they prescribe, are culturally determined to some 
extent.  So I think the lesson of the 1960's is that the commitment to Civil 
Rights meant we became legally indifferent to whether racism was based on 
sincere religious objections or not.  Ollie from Ollie's BBQ had to serve 
people of color or "get out of the restaurant business," whether or not his 
desire to exclude had sincere religious components.

So what is now different about the LGBT rights movement?  Some merchants who 
want to refuse to serve have sincere religious objections; some just have 
hostility or discomfort (homophobia, if they are really afraid of the 
interaction; but surely, many racists had or have Negrophobia.) Should we try, 
with our very limited tools, to protect the sincere religious objectors but not 
protect the "phobes"?  What will we do with sincere religious objectors who are 
also "phobes"?  (I strongly suspect that a mixture of religion and phobia are 
operating within many objectors; their phobia is buried inside a religious 
justification, but maybe that's true for only some, not all.)   Or do we give 
up this (to me, futile) attempt to use law as a instrument to sort the sincere 
objectors from the bigots and phobes, and say, rather simply -- we can't 
possibly make those distinctions, and in the end we don't care about them.  
Your refusal to serve some classes of people hurts them (stigma, insult, 
indignity, and sometimes material harm).  Legitimating that refusal to serve in 
the wedding industry legitimates it elsewhere; equality is indivisible.  So we 
are going to treat you like we treated Ollie -- we can't know if your refusal 
to serve is sincerely religious, homophobic, or some inseparable mixture.  
Whatever it is, get over it or "get out of the business."

The attempts to treat the current situation as different from the racial 
question -- geographic concerns about the Old South; slavery makes race sui 
generis -- seem to me deeply unpersuasive.  But I would be eager to hear 
answers to the questions I pose above about separating religion from 
phobia/bigotry, whether it is do-able, and why it is worth the doing, in light 
of the mistakes and harms that such a process will invite.

--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053<tel:%28202%29994-7053>
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
_______________________________________________
To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
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