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-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Outsourcing a War
Date: Sun, 24 Sep 2000 00:37:16 -0500 (CDT)
From: Michael Eisenscher <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Organization: ?
To: undisclosed-recipients:;

Published on Wednesday, September 20, 2000 in the Fort Lauderdale
Sun-Sentinel 'Civilian Army' of Americans Helps Fight Colombia's
Drug War by E.A. Torriero and Pedro Ruz Gutierrez

FLORENCIA, Colombia - The hotshot pilot swoops down at 200 mph in
his Vietnam-era crop duster, gliding only 50 feet over the coca
valleys he has been hired to destroy.

Colombian soldiers carry the body of a rebel of the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, in Fusagasuga, about 50 miles
south of Bogota, on Tuesday, Sept. 19, 2000. Seven FARC rebels were
killed in combat Tuesday with soldiers in Colombia's ongoing civil
conflict. At least 35,000 people have been killed in the conflict
in the last 10 years. (AP Photo/Scott Dalton)

The U.S. Army veteran earns $90,000 a year tax-free as a civilian
pilot, but he understands the downside of this job very well. More
than once, he's had to dodge bullets from peasants and guerrillas
trying to protect Colombia's multibillion-dollar cocaine trade.

This is one pilot who won't mind giving up a big paycheck should
his working conditions continue to deteriorate. "If we start getting
into a civil war, I'm out of here," said the pilot, whose employer
has ordered its workers not to talk to the media. "Americans will
be targeted."

For now, though, he is part of a growing civilian army hired by
Uncle Sam to help fight Colombia's war on drugs, to be financed
largely by $1.3 billion in U.S. aid. Daredevil pilots with military
experience, retired top brass and former Green Berets are all part
of the effort as the first $300 million in aid heads to Colombia
next month.

Expertise in intelligence and law enforcement is a must. Fluency
in Spanish and knowledge of counter-terrorism, jungle warfare and
counter-surveillance is a plus. While there are limits to the number
of American military people who will be involved in training
Colombian troops, there are fewer restrictions on how many U.S.
civilians can be hired by defense contractors. Hundreds of Americans,
lured by hefty salaries for hazardous work, will play a key role
battling guerrillas and traffickers who live off the illicit drug
trade.

"Every pirate, bandit -- everyone who wants to make money on the
war -- they're in Colombia," said one congressional aide in
Washington, who said he would speak candidly only if he were not
identified. He described efforts to snare contracts as a "free-for-all."

"This is what we call outsourcing a war," he said. Much of the
effort, however, will come from companies very familiar to the U.S.
government. At least a dozen U.S. firms are lining up to bid on
Uncle Sam's foreign venture.

FARC commander Fernando Caicedo sits in a retaurant in a small town
near the FARC headquarters. He says that Plan Colombia and its
introduction of military helicopters will lead to a full civil war
in southern Colombia.

TOM BURTON/ THE ORLANDO SENTINEL

Pay is high, but so are the risks. The crash of a U.S. Army spy
plane that killed five American soldiers last summer underscored
the potential for casualties. Relatives, including those of Capt.
Jose Santiago Jr. of Orlando, dispute the official Army version of
pilot error and suggest a rebel missile could have shot down the
reconnaissance plane.

Three civilian pilots of Reston, Va.-based DynCorp. and EAST Inc.,
under contract with the State Department, have died in plane crashes
since 1997.

DynCorp did not return telephone calls asking for information on
its Colombia activities.

DynCorp. has up to 30 pilots and crews in charge of fumigating coca
fields with glyphosate, a stronger version of the household weedkiller
Roundup.

The company's presence has grown from only a few pilots several
years ago to more than 60 workers at the Larandia military base
near here.

It is difficult to predict how many Americans will become a part
of the Colombian conflict.

Up to 100 Special Forces and Navy SEALs already are teaching
Colombia's new military-led counter-narcotics battalions. U.S.
workers operating ground-radar stations and civilian coca-spraying
crews provide aircraft maintenance at Colombian bases.

On any given day, 150 to 250 Americans are helping in Colombia's
drug war.

Soldiers as trainers

That number will grow to 500 U.S. troops and 300 civilians under
new caps that can be increased by the president.

American officials say that the U.S. military will not be directly
involved in operations, and the U.S. soldiers will act solely as
trainers.

And much of the contract work for non-military help will be given
first to U.S. companies, which will parcel the work to Colombian
subcontractors.

Of the $120 million in U.S. non-military aid in the next three
years, more than two-thirds of the contracts will go to U.S. firms
or charity groups.

Americans will supervise projects to overhaul Colombia's maligned
justice system, teach farmers to grow alternative crops to coca
and opium, and relocate Colombians fleeing the civil war.

A gift shop outside the headquarters of the Colombian rebel group
FARC does brisk business over the weekend. Behind the counter is
Susana Castro, a 22-year-old, seven-year veteran of the FARC. The
visitors at the counter were at the FARC headquarters for a peace
conference being hosted by the guerrillas. TOM BURTON/THE ORLANDO
SENTINEL

"We are not talking about a large American presence on the ground,"
said a senior U.S. aid official in Washington who would speak only
on background.

"Frankly, we think the Colombians are better suited to do the jobs
that have to be done."

But American firms are cashing in. Bell-Textron and United
Technologies' Sikorsky Aircraft have signed to deliver 18 new UH-60
Blackhawks and 42 "Super" Huey II helicopters.

Orders are pending for at least 14 more by the Colombian Defense
Ministry, making the windfall for the helicopter makers in excess
of $600 million.

Military Personnel Resources Inc., a Virginia-based military-consultant
company run by retired U.S. generals, already is advising the
Colombian armed forces. Other U.S firms have started peddling
nighttime surveillance gear, riverboat technology, aircraft
maintenance services and other wares.

While U.S. companies are leading the rush, foreign companies also
are looking to benefit.

Israeli Defense Industries is trying to sell observation technology
to the Colombian Air Force to outfit its Vietnam-era OV-10 "Bronco"
planes, the same ones leased by the U.S. in fumigation raids.

But it is the growing U.S. presence that has critics from Bogot to
Washington calling the American aid package a prelude to another
Vietnam debacle, with U.S. forces being lured into combat.

Already, some of the people working for private U.S. contractors
are near the front lines.

MPRI, for example, has a former brigadier general, six retired
colonels and several former officers in Colombia to help reorganize
the Colombian armed forces under an 18-month Department of Defense
contract worth $800,000.

Founded by former U.S. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Carl Vuono in 1987,
MPRI has about $60 million in contracts worldwide with more than
400 employees who sell their expertise while "capitalizing on the
experience and skills of America's best seasoned professionals,"
according to a company profile.

Vuono brings a wealth of experience to the job, having led the U.S.
Army's Panama and Gulf War operations.

DynCorp. has at least several dozen pilots and ground-support
workers operating under close guard at Colombian military bases,
according to one of the company pilots.

They fly missions to eradicate coca fields with Colombian police
and military helicopters alongside to provide cover.

DynCorp., a Fortune 500 company, is one of the largest defense
contractors in the United States, with strong ties to the CIA and
other federal agencies. It has projected sales worth up to $2.5
billion in defense work and commercial ventures by next year.

The trend toward using private contractors and hired guns to carry
out U.S.

foreign policy is not new. But it's a trend that's growing.

DynCorp., MPRI and other defense contractors have provided services
in the world's hot spots from Bosnia to the Persian Gulf.

Their contracts are supervised by the U.S. Defense or State
department.

Defense experts say that this so-called outsourcing is not only
cost efficient, it helps shield U.S. lawmakers from criticism if
Americans are killed or injured.

"The military tends to view the civilian contractors as a lot less
confrontational way of doing business," said Chris Hellman, a senior
analyst at the Center for Defense Information in Washington. "It's
perceived as a more benign presence."

Defense contractors say their aim is not to fight another country's
battles. "We're very transparent," said retired Army Gen. Ed Soyster,
an MPRI spokesman and former head of the U.S. Defense Intelligence
Agency.

"We're having (the Colombians) restructure, refocus and demonstrate
correct processes."

'Old boys' club'

Soyster would not discuss an MPRI evaluation of Colombian forces
earlier this year, but said, "What we do is set them up so that
what they do, they do it efficiently."

But critics charge that there isn't a lot of oversight in the
bidding for the profitable overseas projects.

"It's an old boys' club," said the congressional aide, who has
monitored Colombia funding. "All these generals get hired (by
consultants) and do nothing."

Soyster, however, defended his company's mission, saying it adheres
to "uncompromising principles of integrity, honor, courage, loyalty
and selfless service."

Like many contractors, MPRI makes its work quite public.

It has a 10,000-name database and has ongoing recruiting at U.S
military bases. Several months ago, it advertised for "highly
qualified and experienced American military officers and senior
noncommissioned officers"

for its Colombia-U.S. "working group."

Less forthcoming about its activities is Eagle Aviation Services
and Technology Inc. of Patrick Air Force Base, where fumigation
pilots are trained by the State Department's Bureau of Narcotics
and International Law Enforcement's air division.

The company, also known as EAST Inc., is incorporated in several
states but refuses to discuss its role in Colombia because it sees
it as classified.

State Department officials have said EAST is concerned for the
safety of its personnel.

EAST Inc. has placed ads in Ag Pilot, a magazine for crop dusters,
to hire pilots for fumigation work in Colombia's fields. One ad
read: "Highly experienced Ag pilots for year-round positions.

Based in Florida, will work in Central and South America. (Job
requires) ability to speak Spanish and converse in a clear and
understandable manner to a variety of native speakers."

At the Larandia military base 40 miles south of here, American
pilots live in virtual seclusion.

They venture out sometimes for a meal or a drink but only with
armed Colombian soldiers and police in tow.

The soldiers in the rebel FARC are mostly teenagers and include
many women, leading to occasional romance. TOM BURTON/ THE ORLANDO
SENTINEL

Mostly, American pilots fly fumigation missions in daylight and
darkness.

They work in three-week shifts and then often shuttle back to the
United States for a week off.

Colombian choppers fly cover for the American pilots. But increasingly,
the Americans are becoming targets for the rebels.

Two American pilots flying Vietnam-era OV-10 Broncos in the
rebel-infested Caqueta province last month aborted their spraying
mission when they encountered gunfire.

Even so, one pilot thinks the tide will turn once the full force
of the U.S. commitment takes place.

The rebels, he said, will lose their willpower.

Yet, he also predicts the Colombian pilots aren't prepared for
battle either. "They want us to fight their war for them."

Copyright 1999, Sun-Sentinel Co. & South Florida Interactive, Inc.

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