-Caveat Lector-
[radtimes] # 201
An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.
"We're living in rad times!"
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Contents:
--The Black Bloc in Quebec: An Analysis
--Riot officers move in to confront protesters
--May Day Protests Disrupt London
--The great teddy-bear turn-in
--Protesters Rally at World Meeting
--It Won't End in Quebec City
--The New Protest Movement
--Rebels with a cause
===================================================================
From: "Barricada Collective" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Tue, 1 May 2001
The Black Bloc in Quebec: An Analysis
As the dust settles from the massive and hugely successful anti-capitalist
mobilization in Quebec, it becomes time to take a look at where the
revolutionary anti-capitalist movement stands, some of the lessons of Quebec
(for the movement in general, and for black blocs more specifically), what
went well, and what didn't go so well. In addition, the events of the 20th
and 21rst in Quebec, coupled with the uprisings of the oppressed
African-American communities of Cincinnati, go a long way towards dispelling
several somewhat common claims of the liberal and authoritarian pacifist
left regarding black blocs, and more specifically, black bloc tactics and
their acceptance, or lack thereof, in oppressed and impoverished
communities.
The Media, the Grassroots Effort, and the Local Community
The first important lesson of Quebec is that there can be no understating
the importance of a radical movement, such as ours, developing a strong
working relationship with the communities in which we will find ourselves.
While it is true that the people of Quebec have a proud history of
resistance to authority and street-fighting, the massive participation of
the local population in the battles of the 20th and 21rst cannot be
attributed solely to this. Since a large part of the action took place
either in the St. Jean-Baptiste neighborhood itself or in the areas directly
surrounding it, a large part of the warm welcome that greeted the black bloc
and others, which included citizens opening their doors to militants,
offering water and vinegar, and often taking to the streets themselves, has
to be attributed to the public relations work done by CLAC and CASA, as well
as by local anarchists. We must make no mistake about, had it not been for
the massive participation of Quebec locals, chances are that the police
would have not had too much difficulty controlling, and eventually
dispersing, what would have been a group of very isolated militant
anti-capitalists.
This leads to another point which, although many feel should already have
been clear, until recently was resisted by just as many. This is that we
have nothing to hope for from the corporate media, we should expect nothing
from them, and we should absolutely not change any of our tactics or
messages in order to pander to them. We should instead treat them as the
servants of capital, and thus our enemies, that they are. This is not to
say that they are not on occasion capable of writing accurate or somewhat
positive articles about revolutionaries, as indeed several articles in the
Quebec press about the black bloc were quite good. However, it seems that
corporate journalists are only inspired enough to research articles and
abstain from repeating police misinformation after they are targeted by
demonstrators and shown that their lies and misinformation will not be
tolerated. Fortunately, this message seemed to be abundantly clear to the
black bloc participants in Quebec City, as people made it a point to deny
pictures to journalists, stop them from filming, taking their tapes and
rolls if they were caught doing so, and targeting any and all media vehicles
that crossed their paths. Once more, the massive propaganda effort carried
out by CLAC/CASA and Quebec anarchists, distributing tens of thousands of
newspapers and fliers, often door to door, was successful in countering the
fear-mongering of the police and media, and certainly changed the dynamics
of the demonstrator/local citizen interaction, from one of fear, to one of
solidarity. This is the clearest example possible that our energies should
not, as many liberal leftists seem to think, be directed towards developing
a "good" relationship with the corporate media, but to fighting them while
at the same time developing our own links with people and strengthening our
media outlets and projects.
The Black Bloc: Material Preparedness
It can be said that, despite all the inconveniences and setbacks (which
were quite a few), the Quebec City black bloc was one of the most effective
in terms of actions performed, its relationship with other demonstrators and
locals, the number of arrests suffered, how far it went towards exemplifying
to "middle of the road" demonstrators the importance of fighting back, and
the image it conveyed of anarchism (which is of course not limited to the
black bloc, but it is for the moment our most well known aspect). Once more,
the effectiveness of the black bloc, particularly during the course of
Saturday's actions, is not due to sheer luck. It is the result of several
very clear factors, some which are definitely positive, some which, while
they may sometimes work in our favor, certainly need to be analyzed more
closely, and some which are certainly negative.
In the run-up to the Quebec City mobilization, many expected the Quebec
black bloc to be the largest yet. Evidently, it did not turn out to be so,
mainly due to the border issue. However, the relatively small numbers,
definitely never more than 500-600, were balanced by the level of
preparedness and commitment of many of the participants, and the support of
the locals.
Furthermore, the effectiveness of the Quebec black bloc is without a doubt
to a very large extent due to how well equipped it was. Many people had the
basic gas masks and goggles, but a great deal also were equipped with
helmets, shields, padding, heavy duty gloves, bolt cutters, ropes, grappling
hooks, and not to mention the abundance of batons and hockey pucks. The fact
is, it was very probably the best equipped black bloc in North American
history. Evidently, this allowed people to resist tear gas attacks better,
stand up to rubber bullets, bring down the fence in different areas with
great speed, and in some cases even hold their own in hand to hand, or baton
to baton, combat with riot police. This all served to embolden the black
bloc, and others who were present, and allowed for scenes such as those that
took place during breaches in the perimeter with black bloc participants
chasing riot policemen or on the highway overpass with dozens of people
charging police lines.
The one nagging question is: Despite several important setbacks, such as
the arrest of the Germinal affinity group on it's way to Quebec with a lot
of material, and all the people, including most of Ya Basta! that were
stopped at the border with quite a bit of material as well, what would have
happened had it all arrived safely in Quebec City!? Hopefully, this question
will be answered this October in Washington DC, where for most people at
least, there will be no border to cross.
It is clear that Quebec City marked an important step forward for black
blocs in terms of material preparedness for action, and this is a trend we
can only hope to see continued in the future.
The Black Bloc: Tactics, Empowerment, and "Other People."
The Quebec City black bloc can also be seen as having been clearly
successful in dispelling the common claim of liberals, authoritarian
pacifists, and others who oppose militant street tactics. This claim, which
we have all most likely already had to listen to, is that the actions of the
black bloc are somehow the result of the alienation of middle or upper class
youths who, due to the boredom of their lives or some misplaced sense of
rebellion, seek cheap thrills at demonstrations, but that they are actually
alienating to those who suffer repression on a constant basis and in the end
counter-productive.
However, the fact is that oppressed communities, such as the
African-American community of Cincinnati most recently, are not afraid to
resist their oppressors by taking to the streets and fighting back. Militant
tactics are not alienating, but rather empowering, serving to demonstrate
that there is no need to kneel down and beg when faced with repression, as
the power of the people, when not pacified by reformism and the avenues of
the state, is infinitely more powerful.
This was again made clear by the willingness of the people of Quebec to
take to the streets to fight alongside the black bloc and other
demonstrators, as well as their healthy dislike of police. While the
situation of the French speaking people of Quebec has certainly changed
dramatically over the last several decades, a large section of the Quebecois
youth, and of the population in general, still identify themselves as
oppressed, primarily due to the question of national liberation. In any
case, the fact is that they took to the streets en masse and resisted
alongside the black bloc and other demonstrators. All this despite the fact
that repression after riots and street battles is often swift and heavy in
Quebec, and nobody is more aware of it than the locals.
The vast, and still growing, support for the black bloc and its tactics was
also made abundantly clear simply by the fact that almost anywhere the bloc
went in Quebec, it was met with cheers, clapping, and all sorts of
encouragement, whether from fellow demonstrators or from locals. Of course
this was to a large extent due to the fact that almost everybody's energies
were focused on the perimeter fence, which few people had qualms about
destroying. However, even the militant tactics (molotovs, stones, direct
confrontation) were overwhelmingly greeted with cheers.
There was however one glaring exception. This occurred when the black bloc
severely damaged the CIBC bank offices, destroying virtually every window
and setting fire to the inside. As soon as the action began several people
from SalAMI began putting themselves in the way, some physically interfered,
many booed, and one even pepper-sprayed somebody in the black bloc. Many
are claiming that this is proof that the only reason that the bloc had so
much support was that property damage was kept to a minimum, but that this
incident shows that it is not an accepted tactic.
This is simply false, and it is important to show it as such. While the
black bloc focused primarily on the fence, there was still quite a bit of
property damage. Several banks, a Shell gas station, a Subway restaurant,
quite a few media vehicles, and at least one police vehicle. All of these
actions took place in very crowded areas, and the only time they drew any
significant negative response was with the SalAMI authoritarians, who had
refused to work with CLAC/CASA precisely due to the issue of diversity of
tactics.
Black Bloc Spectators?
That we live in a spectator/consumer oriented society is no news to most
people. However, with the recent rise in acceptance of the black bloc and
it's tactics a phenomenon that is most likely the result of this spectator
society seems to be spreading to the black bloc. It was true in DC during
the inauguration, and it was certainly true in Quebec. Whether it is
something to be criticized, accepted as inevitable, or encouraged remains
unclear (at least to this writer), but it certainly needs to be addressed.
Quite simply, this is the phenomenon of the "black bloc spectator." People
who dress in black, march with the black bloc, chant, etc. Yet, when
conflict begins, be it unarresting, property damage, confrontations with
police, or whatever else, they disappear, or watch safely from the back.
Examples of this would be the people who ran as soon as the first line of
police appeared in DC during the inauguration or those who disappeared when
the fence was torn down on Friday the 20th in Quebec. In both cases after
events such as these, the blocs numbers were halved. Of course some of this
is due to other factors, such as dispersal, being lost in a crowd, etc., but
a fair number of people in the black bloc seem to be there simply to add to
the numbers.
This does have its advantages however. The first is that the larger the
mass of people, the more the cover for those doing direct actions.
Secondly, regardless of to what extent one participates or not, being in a
black bloc is in itself a risk that one has taken and implies a certain
level of commitment, and it is very possible that those who are shy about
taking part in direct actions are so only out of inexperience, but will
eventually learn from watching others.
Yet, the disadvantages of having many "spectators" within the bloc are also
clear. Among others they include giving people who are doing actions a
false sense of security and making large cohesive actions more difficult to
carry out. However, the greatest disadvantage is that going to a black bloc
without being prepared to assume the possible risks and consequences is to a
large extent irresponsible. The black bloc is a tactic, and like any tactic
the people carrying it out have to meet certain criteria in order to make it
effective. If one is not willing to deal with heights, one should evidently
not enter an affinity group doing banner drops from buildings for example.
Likewise, if one is not prepared to fulfill at least one of the functions
generally expected from people in a black bloc if the need arises, then it
is probably a bad idea to be in one.
A clear example of this is the effectiveness of the black bloc on the 21st.
While relatively small, fluctuating between 50 and 200 people for most of
the day, it was composed primarily of people who were prepared both mentally
and materially for the risks associated with being in a black bloc. This
resulted in people staying tight, avoiding arrest, being mobile, and
accomplishing many very effective actions.
Being a tactic, the primary concern of any black bloc should be
effectiveness. If a black bloc is not effective, whether it be at getting a
message across, heightening visibility of anarchist or revolutionary
presence in a struggle, or performing specific actions, then it serves no
purpose. It is not meant to be an all are welcome free for all. This is
something that the German autonomes understand (precisely the reason why
each line is composed only of people who know each other, to weed out cops
and tourists), and it is probably something we in North America should begin
to think about.
Anarchism is about freedom, but it is also about personal responsibility.
If one is not willing to accept that as a participant in a black bloc one
is, amongst other things, responsible for looking out for the safety of
others (i.e being willing to perform unarrests) and having other people's
backs when they need it, then you are not acting responsibly.
Conclusion
Despite the inevitable shortcomings and setbacks, it is fair to say that
Quebec City marked a step forward for the revolutionary anti-capitalist
movement, and certainly for the black bloc. It is becoming clearer and
clearer that we are riding a wave of popular discontent, coupled with
interest about (and open minds towards) anti-authoritarian alternatives to
capitalism, that North America has not seen in many years. What we need to
begin looking at now is how to better structure ourselves in order to be
more effective in future actions and in order to defend ourselves from the
inevitable repression of the ever more threatened state, how to continue to
build our links to other communities, and how to begin laying the groundwork
for a new society. In short, how to build an effective, grass-roots,
anti-authoritarian movement towards a classless, stateless society. The
infrastructure is to a large extent already in place, it is a matter of
using and expanding it intelligently.
===================================================================
Riot officers move in to confront protesters
<http://www.ananova.com/news/story/sm_278762.html>
Tue, 1 May 2001
Officers in riot gear armed with batons have moved to confront around 3,000
protesters in London's Oxford Street.
The move has provoked an angry reaction from the crowd.
A helicopter hovered directly over the protesters as pieces of wood and
bits of paper were hurled through the air.
Protesters threw bottles and cans at police and surged forward towards
police in riot gear. Police struck some demonstrators with batons and
protesters were pushed backwards again into the middle of Oxford Circus.
Several people were stamped underfoot during the crush. A small number of
demonstrators covering their faces with scarves, bandannas and masks led
chants of "Whose Streets? Our Streets" and "Who let the pigs out. "
Police came under a hail of wine bottles, beer bottles and sticks as
protesters attempted to surge forward into Regent Street. They advanced
momentarily before being pushed back towards Oxford Circus.
Police videoed and photographed protesters at the front of the crowd where
some people lost their footing in the crush. Police maintained a line at
the entrance to Regent Street but continued to be sporadically pelted with
objects including beer bottles, hats and pens.
One protester threw a policeman's hat back at the officers.
Waving placards and chanting protesters blocked buses while traffic on
Oxford Street was halted as protesters climbed lampposts and unfurled
banners and blew whistles. One masked protester waved a flag bearing the
image of revolutionary hero Che Guevara.
As the officers moved forward, the tension in the area continued to rise.
14 people have so far been arrested in the capital during the demonstration.
===================================================================
May Day Protests Disrupt London
Undeterred by constant drizzle, thousands of anti-capitalism
protesters turned out for noisy and colourful rallies in Oxford
Street, Trafalgar Square and Euston. 29 people had been arrested by
early afternoon as police outnumbered demonstrators, who complained
of provocative tactics. One protester, Mick Gordon, from Cambridge,
said: "I'm appalled by the police's behaviour in this situation. They
seem to be turning this peaceful process into a potentially dangerous
situation by penning people in."
Full story - Guardian Unlimited
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/mayday/story/0,7369,481319,00.html)
Interactive guide: May Day around the world - Guardian Unlimited
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/mayday/flash/0,7365,477858,00.html)
Special report: May Day 2001 - Guardian Unlimited
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/mayday/0,7368,475106,00.html)
Key player: Wombles (http://www.wombleaction.mrnice.net/)
Campaign - Global resistance (http://www.resist.org.uk/index.html)
===================================================================
Tuesday 1 May 2001
The great teddy-bear turn-in
<http://www.montrealgazette.com/news/pages/010501/5009148.html>
by ALLISON HANES
The (Montreal) Gazette
Teddy bears will be turned over to police in several Canadian cities
tomorrow by protesters who will confess that they, and not detained
activist Jaggi Singh, were behind the stuffed-animal-lobbing catapult at
the Summit of the Americas in Quebec City.
"They're going to turn themselves or their dangerous teddy bears in at
police stations," said Jonathan Oppenheim, a spokesman for the
Deconstructionist Institute for Surreal Topology.
The group has issued a press release claiming it, among others, is
responsible for the medieval weaponry that launched teddy bears at riot
police last month.
Tomorrow's "amnesty" will be accompanied by a signed confession.
It marks the latest action in a growing international outcry over Singh's
arrest and continuing imprisonment.
"A whole bunch of different groups are involved in this action from
Vancouver, Edmonton, Calgary, Saskatoon and Ottawa," said Oppenheim. "There
have already been actions in New Zealand and there was a teddy bear picnic
in Victoria over the weekend."
"Free Jaggi Singh" protests have occurred in Montreal and as far away as
the Czech Republic, France, Germany and the United States.
A campaign will also be launched soon encouraging people to mail stuffed
animals to Prime Minister Jean Chretien, Quebec Justice Minister Paul Begin
and Crown prosecutors.
Singh is charged with possession of a dangerous weapon - the catapult - and
breaching bail conditions imposed last May in Westmount Municipal Court,
which require him to leave demonstrations if they turn violent.
"It's one of the most bizarre things ever seen," Oppenheim said.
Phoning from Orsainville prison, where he has been since his arrest on
April 20, Singh said yesterday his treatment by authorities is farcical.
"What police and authorities are trying to do is cast all radical activists
and all activists in general as dangerous and criminal," he said. "They're
targeting me because I've been outspoken."
Singh was denied bail last week after a judge may have misinterpreted the
testimony of activist and broadcaster Judy Rebick, who spoke on his behalf.
Judge Yvon Mercier said he denied Singh bail based on her testimony, which
he said indicated Singh encouraged demonstrators to advance toward police
during a clash.
Rebick claimed she said the opposite.
Representing himself with the help of lawyer Pascal Lescarbeau, Singh plans
to contest being denied bail in Quebec Superior Court, possibly as early as
next week.
He is also scheduled to go before a judge on Thursday to set dates for a
preliminary hearing and trial.
Singh was arrested as he stood on the streets of Quebec City with friends,
several blocks from where a violent clash was taking place. Undercover
police officers pulled up in an unmarked van, tackled him and and sped away..
"They hit me three times in the chest with a telescopic baton," he said.
"It still hurts when I sneeze."
He is the last of the 463 protesters arrested during the summit still at
Orsainville. A vegetarian, he is subsisting on the a prison-nurse
prescribed salad diet normally reserved for inmates needing to lose weight.
He finally got his hands on a pencil and paper so he can continue his
writing but he wishes there were more newspapers and books.
He wants to organize a teach-in about globalization for other prisoners,
brush up on his French and hold a debate on anarchism versus Marxism.
"The other prisoners are very curious about what happened (during the
protests)," he said. "They're also very sympathetic. The idea of a
teddy-bear-launching catapult makes people in here laugh as much as out
there."
===================================================================
Protesters Rally at World Meeting
The Associated Press
Apr 29 2001
WASHINGTON (AP) - About 200 protesters with banners and puppets demanded
Sunday that global financial institutions erase poor countries' debt in a
peaceful rally within earshot of a world financial leaders' meeting.
The demonstration in a small park, and a police-escorted march through
deserted downtown streets, was a sharp contrast to clashes with police at
last spring's International Monetary Fund-World Bank meetings.
A year ago, there were more than 1,200 arrests. Sunday there were no
arrests and no tear gas or pepper spray fired.
``To me, this is what the First Amendment is all about,'' Washington police
chief Charles Ramsey said. ``There is no need for clashes between police
and demonstrators. There is no need for rocks and bottles to be thrown.''
The drum-beating demonstrators heard speeches and chanted anti-bank slogans
in a small urban park across the street from the World Bank and IMF
buildings. When they moved to the streets, bicycle patrol officers walked
along pushing their bikes. A new helicopter flew overhead, taking live
pictures for a new closed-circuit police television system.
``The World Bank has got to go,'' the protesters shouted as they asked for
``global justice ... now.''
Njoki Njehu, director of the ''50 Years is Enough Network'' began the rally
by thanking participants for coming despite a ``massive police presence.''
Neil Watkins of the ``Mobilization for Global Justice'' said World Bank
leaders are trying to portray themselves as promoters of social welfare but
contended the opposite is true.
``The rhetoric has changed but it's the same failed policies,'' he said.
Watkins contended the Bank and the IMF require user fees for access to
health care and favor selling off government run water systems to
multinational corporations.
``The World Bank refuses to recognize the right of workers to collectively
bargain and the right of workers to freely associate,'' Watkins said.
He said a program to convince government entities and private investors to
boycott world bank bonds is becoming increasingly successful.
After the rally in the park, the chanting demonstrators marched through
downtown streets near the Bank and IMF buildings, following a route
negotiated several hours earlier with police.
As the protesters began their march, chief Ramsey waved to the crowd,
smiling, and even told one demonstrator, ``I love you.''
The protesters shouted ``Cancel the debt'' and ``The World Bank has got to
go.''
Many in the crowd were local college students, while a number of speakers
were from poor countries served by the World Bank and IMF.
``We are expected to pay (for World Bank policies) through the deaths of
our children, the death of our women,'' said Marie Shaba of Tanzania.
Peru's Julio Marin, speaking in Spanish, contended that mining operations
funded by the World Bank are hurting the environment.
In advance of the demonstration, protest organizers said their message
would take precedence over civil disobedience.
As police officers watched the protesters unload bullhorns and banners,
rally organizer Soren Ambrose said the demonstrators want to give the
financial leaders the message that they can erase the debt in an instant
with a vote.
``We know they have the resources to cancel the debt,'' he said.
``Economic Justice for All,'' read one of the banners, while other banners
and signs said ``Debt kills 19,000 children daily,'' ``Debt equals death,''
``Debt hurts,'' and ``Our world is not for sale.''
One of the puppets depicted the institutions as a cigar chomping man in a
suit and tie holding a child upside down and shaking the money out of
child's pockets.
Another puppet depicted a likeness of James Wolfensohn, the World Bank
president.
===================================================================
It Won't End in Quebec City
ZNet Update
Date: Sun, 29 Apr 2001
By Judy Rebick
"My generation doesn't believe that the
traditional political institutions represent us,"
one young man told me in trying to explain what
happened in Quebec City last weekend.
I asked him why he and thousands of other mostly
young people kept returning to the danger zones in
the Upper City last weekend. I know this young
man. In everyday life he gets upset if someone
raises a voice in anger. He doesn't like crowds
much either.
Yet last weekend he and thousands like him
suffered volley after volley of tear gas, risked
plastic bullets, arrest and intense emotional
confrontations with police time and time again. He
didn't participate in throwing stones at police
but he supported those who did.
The Montreal taxi driver who told me it was just
elaborate theatre on both sides, the cops and the
protesters, wasn't there. It may have started that
way. On Friday, protesters, many of them in
colorful costumes, all but a few of them in a
carnival spirit, marched singing and chanting 6
miles from the University to the perimeter. La
cloture, the Quebecois call it, an ugly chain-link
fence dividing a beautiful city became the symbol
of their frustration with a political system that
refuses to hear their voices.
When part of the fence came down, most people were
cautious. Some went through and a handful started
to throw stones at the advancing police. Most
stood their ground and waited to see what would
happen. Things escalated with the first lob of
tear gas canisters. What began was a macabre dance
that continued all day Friday. This was no riot.
Demonstrators showed extraordinary discipline.
They moved off the street to safety when the tear
gas hit, and came back as soon as they could see
again. The police were also restrained. It went on
for hours.
But on Saturday everything changed. Quebec's Ligue
des Droits et Libertes (Civil Liberties Union)
blamed police escalation of tactics for the
increased violence on Saturday. Police are trying
to blame well-known activist Jaggi Singh. Singh is
still in jail on a trumped up weapons charge. They
charged him with possession of a dangerous weapon.
The weapon was a theatrical catapult built by a
surrealist group from Alberta and used to hurl
teddy bears on police lines. The story and a photo
of the medieval mock weapon can be seen on
<www.rabble.ca>. Some want to believe it was a
handful of hooligans spurring the others on.
What is most important, however, is that the rule
of law broke down on Saturday. A significant and
important part of the population withdrew their
consent to be governed. The state was reduced to
what Karl Marx called its essence, an armed body
of men.
In two locations, protesters battled riot police
for hours in scenes that looked more like Northern
Ireland than Quebec. Not more than one hundred
participated in the front lines throwing stones
but thousands supported them pounding guardrails
and posts with stones and placards in a deafening
show of solidarity. Mostly, the police assaulted
peaceful demonstrators who were simply blocking
roads. Medics, helping demonstrators clean their
eyes of tear gas, were among the most frequent
targets of police.
It has happened before. Oka comes to mind, the
standoff between the Mohawk Warriors and the army.
A massive movement for aboriginal self-government
that could no longer be ignored emerged after Oka.
The War Measures Act is another example. This
produced a broad movement for sovereignty that
thirty years later continues to struggle for its
goals. It happened in Chicago in 1968. The wild
street demonstrations against the Democratic
Convention became a turning point in a youth
movement that had a profound and long lasting
impact on our culture.
Quebec City may turn out to be even more
important. While youth battled police above, tens
of thousands of demonstrators from unions, women's
groups, environmental and international
development groups, student and cultural groups
marched through the city below. Organizers feared
people would be frightened by the violence but
thousands more than expected arrived in hundreds
of buses from all over Quebec and Canada. While
some were upset by the violence others pledged to
stand side by side with the youth the next time.
All through the week before, 1200 delegates from
across the Americas developed a common platform
and a common strategy against undemocratic trade
deals. What has emerged is a mass and diverse
movement for democracy and equality against
corporate rule and for many against capitalism. It
is being led by the youth.
Canada will never be the same after Quebec City.
Politicians dismiss these events at their own
peril. The young people battling police are the
best of their generation. They came from all
across the continent to stand up for democracy and
against corporate rule. And they witnessed a
profound breakdown in democracy that reinforced
their view that existing political institutions
must be radically changed.
A flyer being handed out at the bail hearings this
week said it all, "it didn't start in Seattle and
it won't end in Quebec City."
-----------
Judy Rebick is the publisher of rabble.ca
(www.rabble.ca) where you can find more news about
Quebec City and other things of interest to the
rabble.
===================================================================
The New Protest Movement
It's About Demanding a Say in the Future of the Planet
by Kevin Danaher
Published on Sunday, April 29, 2001 in the Observer of London
When it comes to rebellion on the streets, I must confess
a prejudice. In a pitched battle
between children armed with banners and spray paint
against highly trained police and
military personnel with a large array of deadly weapons,
I tend to side with the kids.
As a child, I was taught about an instance of property
destruction known as the Boston Tea
Party and it made a positive impression on me.
At recent street protests in Quebec and in the late-1999
Seattle protests against the World
Trade Organisation, this 50-year-old was out on the
streets with the young people. I was
very impressed by their analysis, their courage, their
creativity and their heartfelt desire to
protect other species from the human onslaught.
Why would these young people be rebellious? Maybe it's
due to things such as seeing the
major biological systems of the planet collapsing while
an oil company cowboy in the White
House pulls the US government out of the mild Kyoto
Accords because it might disrupt the
profits of his benefactors. Contrary to media suggestion,
the youth-led movement for global
economic transformation is not 'anti-globalisation'.
There are really two varieties of globalisation: élite
globalisation (which we oppose) and
grassroots globalisation (which we promote). The top-down
globalisation is characterised by
a constant drive to maximise profits for globe-spanning
corporations. It forces countries to
'open up' their national economies to large corporations,
reduce social services, privatise
state functions, deregulate the economy, be 'efficient'
and competitive, and submit
everything and everyone to the rule of 'market forces'.
Because markets move resources
only in the direction of those with money, social
inequality has reached grotesque levels.
The United Nations Development Programme reports that the
richest 20 per cent of the
world's people account for 86 per cent of global
consumption and the poorest 80 per cent of
the world's population struggle to survive on just 14 per
cent of total consumption spending.
This is why tens of thousands of children die needlessly
every day, because resources
distributed by market forces automatically bypass the poor.
But there is another kind of globalisation that centres
on life values: protecting human rights
and the environment. Grassroots globalisation comprises
many large and growing
movements: the fair trade movement, micro-enterprise
lending networks, the movement for
social and ecological labelling, sister cities and sister
schools, citizen diplomacy, trade
union solidarity across borders, worker-owned co-ops,
international family farm networks,
and many others.
While these constituents of grassroots globalisation lack
the money and government
influence possessed by the corporations, they showed at
the WTO protests in Seattle that
they are able to mobilise enough people to halt the
corporate agenda in its tracks, at least,
temporarily.
There is a big question confronting us as we enter the
twenty-first century, which is: will
money values dominate life values or will the life cycle
dominate the money cycle? The
great spiritual leaders of all cultures have been clear
that the best path in life does not
consist of amassing material goods. Jesus used violence
only once, against a specific
occupation - not Roman soldiers or tax collectors - but
bankers. Paul of Tarsus said: 'The
love of money is the root of all evil.' Confucius said:
'The superior person knows what is
right; the inferior person knows what will sell.' Even
George Soros, the billionaire financier,
admits: 'Markets basically are amoral.'
Here in the United States, large sections of the public
are increasingly critical of corporate
rule and its consequences. A recent business magazine
survey revealed that 74 per cent of
the public believe big corporations have too much power,
and 73 per cent believe top
executives get paid too much; 95 per cent of those polled
agreed with the following
statement: 'US corporations should have more than one
purpose. They also owe something
to their workers and the communities in which they
operate, and they should sometimes
sacrifice some profit for the sake of making things
better for their workers and communities.'
Let's be clear about the 'free market'. It is an
ideological construct that does not exist in
reality. All the countries that successfully
industrialised did so through state intervention,
with government playing an active role in directing
investment, managing trade and
subsidising chosen sectors of the economy.
The temple of democracy has been taken over in recent
decades by the transnational
money-changers. Large corporations dominate national
governments and they dominate the
secret global government (the World Trade Organisation,
World Bank, International
Monetary Fund etc) that is being constructed behind the
backs of citizens. This explains
why the rulers need to hide their rule-making procedures:
if less than 1 per cent of the
population (millionaire corporate lawyers) monopolise the
rule-making process, they can't let
the public know the details.
Would the policies of these global bodies be kept so
secret if they were really in the public
interest. Wouldn't the corporate lawyers want to debate
openly with us opponents of
corporate globalisation and prove their claims that we
don't know what we're talking about?
Yet getting these global financial bodies to debate in
public is like pulling teeth.
We are now experiencing 'a constitutional moment'.
Corporate interests are writing a global
constitution that elevates corporate profit-making above
the rights of citizens to protect their
jobs and the environment. Whether the rule-making takes
place in the WTO, the IMF or in
planning the coming free-trade area of the Americas, the
only people with a seat at the table
represent transnational corporate interests.
If workers, small businesses, non-profit groups and
environmentalists are not represented
when the rules get written, then their interests will be
subordinated to those of corporate
profit-making. Look around and you will see mounting
symptoms. The world economy
produces more food per capita than ever before, yet we
have more hungry people than ever
before.
The environmental crisis is evident in eroding topsoil,
poisoned ground water, melting
glaciers, receding icecaps at the poles, a depleted ozone
layer, the build-up of carbon
dioxide in the atmosphere and unsustainable patterns of
resource consumption. In turn,
these crises are producing a moral crisis in which the
affluent avert their eyes and pretend
there is no crisis.
In the cities of rich countries around the world, in
Seattle, Quebec, London, protesters rage
against an economy that turns every living thing into
dead money. These protests are the
beginning of a movement that puts love of life above love
of money. If it is true that 'nature
always bats last', then the world view that seeks to ride
with nature will outlast the world
view that seeks to dominate it and turn it into money.
Find details of the author's work on globalism at www.globalexchange.org
===================================================================
Rebels with a cause
http://www.torontostar.com/cgi-bin/gx.cgi/AppLogic+FTContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=988515142192&call_page=TS_@Biz&call_pageid=971794782442&call_pagepath=Business/@Biz&col=971886476975
by Rachel Ross
TECHNOLOGY REPORTER
Apr. 30, 2001
DETROIT - It's a Saturday afternoon and a handful of teens have paid
good money to learn math. Really hard math. The kind you learn in your
final year of university.
Fifteen, sixteen, seventeen year-olds - and a couple of adults too -
are quietly taking notes.
A very smart man in a white lab coat writes equations on large sheets
of paper tacked to the wall at the front of the room.
He's teaching them about elliptical curve cryptography, math used to
obscure data into a code that can later be deciphered. It's used to
encrypt information traveling over the Internet.
Cryptography is one of many topics covered at the annual network
security conference known as Rubi Con, where hackers - yes, those kids
who try to break through security into computer systems - and security
professionals give presentations, and learn from each other's
adventures.
These are keeners who understand the digital things that most people
have no clue about. They read computer code, manuals for phone
equipment and sometimes other people's e-mail. They find the
weaknesses and flaws in the software and hardware we use everyday. But
these guys - well, most are male, though not all - aren't usually
after money or infamy. And they don't leave a trail of trouble
wherever they go.
``Many hackers are actually just curious technophiles,'' said Denis A.
Baldwin, network administrator for Michigan lighting firm CAE, Inc.
who attended the conference. They ``choose to be civilized in their
conquests to prove their efforts and skills. No need to break
something to prove your point if you can leave it standing for
generations to come to see and prove against as well, right?''
Says Nick Farr, one of the conference organizers: ``They are the
Edisons, the Teslas . . . the kids who grew up immersed in the
information age, and the generation that will probably make the
strongest contributions to its fundamental infrastructure.''
There are hackers who want to use your credit card number - but most
of them just want to prove that they can get it.
It's difficult to generalize about a group of people whose defining
quality is independent thinking. They don't all hate cats, take drugs
and listen to punk music. There is no hacker uniform. The one guy at
this conference with the green dreadlocks and chains hanging from his
pants actually stands out from the rather average- looking crowd.
The biggest thing they have in common is their curiosity. It's also
their greatest gift, something the business world shouldn't overlook.
They're brainy, brash, attracted to riddles, energized by a bit of
risk.
``Hackers, by their fundamental nature, enjoy the exploration and
creative manipulation of information systems,'' says Farr, who calls
himself a ``hacker sociologist.'' He is completing his thesis at the
University of Michigan on the work ethic of hackers and how they fit
in with the current corporate culture.
``If an employer can channel a hacker's energy into a project, the
hacker will work furiously and without additional reward to solve the
problem or finish the project.''
About half a dozen teens drove down from Ontario for the annual
conference, eager for knowledge. Some of them want to learn how to
break into things - both physical and digital./ In contrast, others
want be able to better secure their networks.
The Canadian clan brought three cars' worth of computer equipment to
the conference, including several desktop computers, a couple of
laptops and a lot of wire to connect them all together.
Most of them met for the first time just a few months ago at a meeting
for hackers, an Ontario chapter of the popular hacker publication
2600. Such meetings are held all over the U.S. and Canada.
2600 - the trade magazine for hackers - takes its name from the early
days of hacking, when the phone system was the primary target for
inquiring minds. So-called ``phreakers'' would use a variety of
techniques to make free long-distance calls. One popular technique
used a whistle from the breakfast cereal, Captain Crunch, which
happened to produce a tone of exactly 2600 hertz. Play that thing into
a phone and voila, free long distance.
Today's phone systems aren't vulnerable to the Captain's whistle, but
2600 lives on as the title of the magazine.
The two young men who founded this particular 2600 chapter and led the
rest of the gang down to the conference call themselves Flame0ut and
PrussianSnow. Everybody's got a nickname here: Cyanosis, Prez, Asher,
Carbon. It makes a lot sense given that much of what they do isn't
legal.
There's no magic naming system. It's usually based on something they
like or something that just sounds cool.
(Their nicknames will be used throughout this story to protect their
identities.)
PrussianSnow, a spindly guy in a long black trench coat with a
mustache and long black hair, has opted for a fairly traditional
career path. He's been accepted at two engineering schools, and plans
to start next year. ``That's what I want to do, that's who I am.
Analyzing systems, figuring stuff out. That's what I'm really
interested in.''
Flame0ut looks like he's always thinking, but he's given up on the
educational system - he dropped out of high school. He said he was
failing all his classes. Now he works as a network administrator. But
the job, like school, doesn't challenge him enough to keep him
interested.
Sara Housser is a spokesperson for Career Edge, which helps students
without experience get a first job. While she recognizes their skills,
she questions how well they will ultimately fit into the workplace.
``Are they going to be able to do the day-to-day stuff that's
required, or will their attention span waver?'' said Housser. ``Will
somebody else's agenda keep them interested?''
According to Farr, ``youthful hackers are being hired for jobs that
bore them, or insult their intelligence.''
Flame0ut admits he isn't particularly interested in the agenda of his
current employer. The job, installing software, is far below his skill
level and doesn't pique his curiosity.
``It's not just that I like to disassemble things. Boring things are
boring to take apart,'' said Flame0ut. ``It's only complex things that
are things interesting to disassemble and they become increasingly
interesting to disassemble when there is ingenuity involved in their
design.''
Flame0ut and PrussianSnow's most talked-about exploit, The Millennium
Phone Hack, gave them access to free long-distance calls from any
payphone. But they never made any. They made a couple of local calls
to test their equipment, but once they were satisfied that their
solution worked, they went home.
There were the same kinds of non-malicious adventures at the
conference.
The guys spend a lot of time ``packet sniffing,'' a hacker technique
that involves reading packets of data sent to and from computers
accessing the Internet. Do you know that box that pops up when you're
surfing the Internet, asking if you really want to submit personal
information? If the information being sent isn't encrypted, hackers
can read it.
Sometimes a hacker can spend hours reading data and it won't produce
anything useful.
But here in Detroit, their patience paid off when they found the
username and password for a Hotmail e-mail account used by another
person at the conference.
Someone with evil intentions would keep that password a secret, and
use it every so often to wait for a juicy piece of e-mail to show up.
The kids from Ontario did the opposite, writing the username and
password on a big piece of paper in the lobby of the hotel - basically
notifying the Hotmail user they have his information and he should
probably change it.
Hackers' curiosity often reaches beyond the Internet.
The hackers at Rubi Con had an affinity for physical infiltration -
breaking into abandoned buildings, exploring drains, climbing onto
rooftops where they're not supposed to be.
The hotel where the conference was held was perfect for it. The fourth
floor has been abandoned for decades and while the elevator doesn't
stop there, people found their way in. In small groups they explored
the eerie rooms. Sheets were pinned to the windows to keep outsiders
from looking in at the smashed mirrors, rusted bicycles, hanging wires
and broken ceiling tiles. It was an infiltrator's dream.
Once you set aside the illegality of their techniques, it's easy to
see that some of these hackers are basically good people. The kind who
will experiment, invent, and quite possibly change the world.
But it would be foolish to think that all hackers are saints.
Farr thinks employers do their homework before hiring a hacker.
``The question employers need to ask themselves is where and when to
hire these innately curious folk,`` said Farr.
Most computer security companies, such as Guardent in Toronto, have a
simple rule about hiring hackers. They won't hire anyone with a
criminal past.
That leaves most of the kids at Rubi-Con in the game.
``The work schedule and habits of the typical hacker are a sign of the
workplace to come,'' said Farr.
``The best solutions come from people whose passion for their work
drives them, not a pre-set schedule or some survival derivative
function.''
===================================================================
"Anarchy doesn't mean out of control. It means out of 'their' control."
-Jim Dodge
======================================================
"Communications without intelligence is noise;
intelligence without communications is irrelevant."
-Gen. Alfred. M. Gray, USMC
======================================================
"It is not a sign of good health to be well adjusted to a sick society."
-J. Krishnamurti
======================================================
"The world is my country, all mankind my brethren,
and to do good is my religion."
-Thomas Paine
======================================================
" . . . it does not require a majority to prevail, but rather an irate,
tireless minority keen to set brush fires in people's minds . . . "
-Samuel Adams
======================================================
"You may never know what results come from your action.
But if you do nothing, there will be no results."
-Gandhi
======================================================
"The most dangerous man to any government is the man
who is able to think things out for himself, without regard
to the prevailing superstitions and taboos. Almost inevitably
he comes to the conclusion that the government he lives under
is dishonest, insane, and intolerable."
-H.L. Mencken
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