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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

DefenseWatch – December 5, 2001

Soldiers For The Truth (SFTT) Weekly Newsletter

When we assumed the Soldier, We did not lay aside the Citizen.
General George Washington, to the New York Legislature, 1775

In this week’s Issue of DefenseWatch: Next Moves in the War Against Terror


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EDITORIAL and ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF
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Ed Offley
Editor, DefenseWatch
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

J. David Galland
Deputy Editor, DefenseWatch
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

David H. Hackworth
Senior Military Columnist
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Chris Humphrey
SFTT Webmaster
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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Hack’s Target for the Week: It’s Time to Take Out Saddam Hussein

Article 01 – Iraq: A Decade of Appeasement Must End, by Patrick Hayes

Article 02 – It Is Time For Accountability For Sept. 11, by J. David Galland

Article 03 – War & Religion: Islam’s Embrace of Violence, by Robert G.
Williscroft

Article 04 – Pearl Harbor Legacy Has Critical Significance Today, by Paul
Connors

Article 05 – Fight for Jointness Critical to U.S. Military’s Future, by
Matthew Dodd

Article 06 – Feedback: Readers Respond to Hack Columns on U.S. Army, Marines

Article 07 – Feedback: One Guardsman’s Mobilization Tale

Medal of Honor:

Article 08 – ROEDER, ROBERT E., Capt. USA

EDITOR'S NOTE: Your Support is Important!



EDITOR'S NOTE: Article Submission Procedures/Subject Editors Sought


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Hack’s Target For The Week: It’s Time to Take Out Saddam Hussein

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By David H. Hackworth

Now that Round One of our war against terrorism – Afghanistan – is about 80
percent over, the generals should be positioning forces for Round Two.

There's scuttlebutt aplenty about which country is next: Somalia, Yemen,
Lebanon, Syria, Libya, the Palestinian Authority or Iraq. Like the
now-defeated Taliban's Afghanistan, the contenders are all training grounds
for terrorists and major exporters of this particularly reprehensible form of
warfare. Snake pits of hate that –  as our president has articulated so well
– must be defanged before we in the civilized world can even begin to
contemplate getting back to our way of life.

Happy days might be here again a lot sooner if Saddam Hussein were moved to
the top of the terrorist hit list. While our fight shouldn't be with the
people of Iraq – who have been tortured by this certified war criminal for
the past 20 years – the head of the most dangerous state among the meanest of
company needs to be knocked off next.

When you get into a barroom fight, you take out the baddest dude first. Check
out Saddam's track record: He used poison gas against Iran and his own
people; he has huge stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction – bugs and gas
and maybe nukes; and insiders say his death factories are churning out more.

If that's not justification enough to punch out his lights, high-ranking
Iraqi defectors say (and U.S. intelligence confirms) that his prints have
been on all the terrorist strikes against the United States since Stormin'
Norman stumped him, including running a terrorist training camp for members
of Osama bin Laden's gang and other major players, complete with a mock-up of
a 707 for some hands-on hijack simulation. A U.S. intelligence source told me
it will soon be conclusively proven that he was a key player in the assaults
on our embassies, our overseas military personnel, World Trade Center I and
II and some of the anthrax attacks that have been coming down since Sept. 11.

Now President George W. Bush has laid down the gauntlet to Saddam: U.N. arms
inspectors must be allowed to return immediately to Iraq and continue the WMD
(Weapons of Mass Destruction) inspections agreed to after Desert Storm. The
Master of Miscalculation says there's no way this is going to happen.

But most European and Arab leaders are against our taking out Saddam. The
Europeans are worried about their gas tanks, pocketbooks and pacifists, while
the Arabs paint us as a bully picking on one of theirs as an excuse for their
own political instability.

Well, let them come to New York City and visit our WTC national wound, where
4,000 civilians were having their first cup of coffee on the day they were
fiendishly murdered. Let the politicians and peaceniks in Paris and Berlin
sit on their hands and wag their diplomatic tongues as they did for years
when ex-Yugoslavia was burning. Let them appease Saddam – as they did Adolf
Hitler – while this century's mustached madman builds his nuclear, biological
and chemical weapons arsenal, financed with the smuggled oil that runs their
cars and factories.

We didn't take out the Soviets because of MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction),
and we were lucky that the Evil Empire imploded before one of theirs – or
ours --  pressed the button in an insane moment and turned planet Earth into
a radiated ash pit.

We cannot allow Saddam to have such power.

Employing the operational methods we used in Afghanistan – Air, Special Ops
and limited conventional forces, but with an infinitely bigger sledgehammer –
and the help of old and new foxhole pals along with the Iraqi exiles and
Kurdish militias, we should clean his clock with similar dispatch. Then, as
with Afghanistan, the people of Iraq will finally be free to rise up and
reclaim their country.

Clearly Saddam represents our most clear and present danger. You either stop
terrorism or it will stop you. We must put Saddam and all other terrorists
down or suffer the fate of Israel, a terrorist punching bag for 53 years.

Taking out the Taliban, and then Saddam's evil regime, should cause other
states to reconsider if they really want to bear the consequences of being in
the terror business when Uncle Sam is on a roll.

http://www.hackworth.com is the address of David Hackworth's home page. Sign
in for the free weekly Defending America column at his Web site. Send mail to
P.O. Box 11179, Greenwich, CT 06831.

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ARTICLE 01 – Iraq: A Decade of Appeasement Must End
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By Patrick Hayes

Frequently, U.S. strategic analysts, planners and decision-makers do a
less-than-adequate job, with their collective, short-range actions often
missing the mark. Recent history shows that the U.S. military has had the
tendency of moving from one hemorrhaging conflict to another, when earlier
preventive action – or acting in a different direction altogether – may have
changed the course of history in favor of the United States.

Prime examples of this include our interventions in Beirut, Somalia, Haiti,
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Balkans, and now Iraq – again!

We face an old enemy let off the hook 11 years ago to appease our
oil-producing Arab “friends” (the devil you know is better than the one you
don’t). We are also in a war against transnational terrorists, which might
have been avoided if decisive action had been taken against Osama bin Laden
and his al Qaeda network earlier, when it became obvious he and his cadre
were targeting American interests. But even with analyses and planning, the
political will during most of the 1990s was not there.

Much has been said about the consequences for those who ignore the lessons of
history. German Philosopher George Hegel said, “But what experience and
history teach is this – that peoples and governments have never learned
anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from it.”  American
philosopher George Santayana said it more succinctly when he stated, “Those
who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”

This could be said about American relations with Iraq, which, in 1990, could
have gone either way. Since Sept. 11, we have learned that the oil sheiks,
particularly the Saudis, whose assets were saved by U.S.-led coalition
forces, have been less than dependable, even supporting Islamic terrorist
organizations hostile to the United States. Given what we now know, would
dealing with the devil we knew then (Saddam) be different than dealing with
the current devils?  We’ll never know for sure. What is certain today,
however, is that Saddam must go.

However, recent political rhetoric has conveniently forgotten earlier
U.S.-Iraqi relations and that Iraq was once our ally in the region when we
supported Saddam in his war against our then-enemy Iran during 1980-88. That
war, too, was about border disputes dating back at least to the first
recorded incident in 1639. The Iraqis claimed complete control over the Shatt
al Arab waterway, which is Iraq’s only access to the sea. The Iranians
claimed at least half the waterway. In addition to Saddam’s war with Iran,
his Baath Party leadership was also not one of rabid Muslim clerics, but
rather controlled a secular, albeit militaristic, society. During the Gulf
War, Saddam hid behind being a “good Muslim,” calling for other Muslim
states to come to his aid in a jihad against the West, but most in the region
saw through the façade.

The trigger for the Gulf War was the Iraqi relationship with Kuwait, which
was also a historical conflict dating back to the 19th Century when Kuwait
was part of the Ottoman Empire. In 1899, Kuwait asked for British protection,
gaining its independence in 1961, at which time Iraq renewed its claim that
Kuwait was historically an Iraqi province. The world community paid little
attention to the claim, but the border conflicts continued.

These issues came to a head in 1990, when Iraq accused Kuwait of pumping oil
from the al-Rumeilah oil field that straddles both countries without sharing
revenues, and for producing more oil than allowed under the OPEC quotas,
thereby lowering oil prices and damaging Iraq’s primary export.  Iraq after
the Iran-Iraq war was in financial turmoil, with a debt of $40 billion.
Although it requested assistance from other Arab states, it received little
and when Baghdad sought to raise oil prices, Kuwait and the other Gulf states
balked.

The rest, as we say, is history: Iraq mobilized forces near the Kuwait
border. An attempt was made by the Arab states to defuse the situation. On
Aug. 1, 1990, Iraqi and Kuwaiti representatives were invited to Jiddah, Saudi
Arabia, to try and solve the conflict. The meeting only resulted in more
angry charges from both sides. A second meeting was to be held in Baghdad the
following day, but shortly after midnight on Aug. 2, Iraq invaded Kuwait.

Whether the Gulf War rose out of oil prices, oil production quotas, or a
last-minute change in U.S. strategic thinking, a key point is that at the
time, Washington had shown little interest in Kuwait’s fate. Indeed, U.S.
policy-makers considered Iraqi action nothing more than the re-taking of
disputed border regions, therefore making the issue of little concern for
American policymakers.

Eight days before the invasion, Saddam Hussein on July 25, 1990, summoned
U.S. Ambassador to Baghdad April Glaspie for a meeting, which also included
Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz.  Based on transcripts of that meeting
later released by Iraq and not challenged by the State Department, the
meeting was cordial and may have left Saddam with the impression that the
United States would look the other way if he invaded Kuwait.

According to the transcripts, both Saddam and Glaspie made several
interesting statements.

Initially Saddam was defensive and threatened the United States if it
pressured Iraq or sided with Kuwait. Using ominous language, he said, “If you
use pressure, we will deploy pressure and force. We know that you can harm us
although we do not threaten you. But we too can harm you. Everyone can cause
harm according to their ability and their size. We cannot come all the way to
you in the United States, but individual Arabs may reach you (emphasis
added).”

Saddam further stated that if Iraq could keep control over the Shatt al Arab,
it would make concessions with Kuwait. However, if Iraq were forced to give
up half the waterway between Iraq and Iran, then he would give up his claim
to the entire waterway and press his claim that Kuwait was an Iraqi province.

Glaspie replied, “We have no opinion on your Arab-Arab conflicts, such as
your dispute with Kuwait. Secretary (of State James) Baker has directed me to
emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 1960's, that the Kuwait
issue is not associated with America.”  She added, “We hope you can solve
this problem using any suitable methods via Klibi or via President Mubarak.
All that we hope is that these issues are solved quickly.”

Glaspie later told journalists, “Obviously, I didn't think, and nobody else
did, that the Iraqis were going to take all of Kuwait.” Saddam moved from
being a shaky ally to a threatening adversary, but how much responsibility
for the invasion and decade-long tensions falls on the U.S. government
analysts, planners and decision-makers who were then responsible?

Given the swift and certain response by the Bush II administration to the al
Qaeda terrorist strikes – and its explicit warnings to Iraq – it appears
that in Washington, the right team is in the right place at the right time.

Patrick Hayes is a contributing editor to DefenseWatch. He can be reached at
[EMAIL PROTECTED]


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