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Peace at any cost is a prelude to war!

Analysis: The Russian Military: In Bad Shape?
Col. Stanislav Lunev
November 23, 1999

On October 25 Nikolai Mikhailov, first deputy defense minister of the RF
(Russian Federation), shocked the international community by his strong
statements to the press. At a time when the RF is still in dire economic
straits, dependent on Western money for its very survival, Mikhailov warned
that his country’s military has enough weaponry to overwhelm any
antiballistic-missile system in the US. He warned further that the RF will
deploy more nuclear warheads if the U.S. continues its efforts to develop an
anti-missile defense system. Mikhailov stated categorically, "This technology
can realistically be used and will be used if the United States pushes us to
it."
The US reaction to these words came from Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright. In her speech to the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations (November
10) she disclosed, "A Russian defense official recently proclaimed that his
nation has the ability to overwhelm the missile defense system we are
planning." "[T]hat is true — and part of our point," she added.

These statements run counter to the standard reports in the US about the
supposed deterioration of the Russian military and its demise as a major
threat to the international community. Evidently the US media have been
negligent in investigating the true state of the Russian war machine. Mr.
Mikhailov, however, is an expert in these matters. Before his appointment as
RF deputy defense minister he had spent 35 years working in both the Soviet
and Russian military-industrial complexes.

He has inside knowledge, then, that the Russian defense industry is
accelerating its buildup of a new generation of weapons systems. Mikhailov,
after all, is a primary mover behind the Russian General Staff’s plan to
implement the new ten-year arms-development program for completion by 2010.

The Russian military has already begun operational deployment of the
second-generation mobile-launch-based Topol-M ICBM, a weapon the US does not
possess and also has not yet allocated funds to develop. The Russian VPK
(Voenno Promishlenni Komplex — Military Industrial Complex) has also
introduced a new generation of nuclear warheads as well as a new stealth
bomber and a stealth cruise missile — which could reach US territory over the
Polar Circle.

As further examples, the RF has under construction (1) the fifth-generation
Borei-class ballistic-missile submarine, (2) a new submarine-based ballistic
missile, (3) the Akula-2-class nuclear attack submarine (Shark), and (4) the
new Severodvinsk-class nuclear attack submarine. The VPK is likewise
continuing to modernize its army, navy and air force, not to mention further
developing chemical, biological, nuclear, and other types of mass-destruction
weapons.

The list of Russian weaponry could be extended many pages. Some of the new
weapons do not have any counterparts in the arsenals of the West. According
to the Russian General Staff these programs are to be in place by 2010 so
that Moscow can regain the former stature of the USSR. Russia is determined
to gain pre-eminence in unique nuclear and laser technologies for new types
of systems.

With the war in Chechnya, Russian military spending has increased about 1.5
times; and the increases are expected to continue. The Russian General Staff
is requesting a gradual increase in military expenditures from 2.8 percent of
GDP (Gross Domestic Product) in 1999 to between 6 and 6.5 percent by 2005.

The war in Chechnya has led also to an increase in military and
special-services personnel, especially in the number and quality of the
ground forces, which had been lacking in well trained professionals. During
the last few months the Russian units in Chechnya have received new weaponry
in such quantities as to represent a violation of the CFET (Conventional
Forces in Europe Treaty).

Obviously, the RF does not need state-of-the-art weapons systems for the
military action in Chechnya. They are ultimately intended for future
full-scale wars against countries considered by the Russian General Staff to
be "major potential military adversaries." This intention is clear from
recent "West-99" field exercises, the largest since 1985, during which
Russian military commanders ordered simulated nuclear strikes against NATO
countries, including the continental United States.

This intention is also evident in a recent statement of RF Defense Minister
Igor Sergeev, who on November 12 accused the United States of stirring up the
war in Chechnya as part of a plot to weaken its former superpower adversary.
He is quoted as saying, "U.S. national interests require that the military
conflict in the North Caucasus, fanned from the outside, keeps constantly
smoldering."

It is interesting to note here that Sergeev didn't speak about fighting
against "international terrorism" in Chechnya, which is the official pretext
for the war, but speaks instead about the conflict as being "fanned from
outside." About which "outside" is he speaking? There is no question that he
means the United States. (Please see our forthcoming column.)

But who is footing the bill for these enormous Russian military outlays?
Isn’t Russia broke? The answer to this simple question is not easy to
comprehend, for it defies common sense. The money is coming from America and
other Western countries; or, more precisely, it comes chiefly out of the
pockets of American taxpayers. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
World Bank, and other financial institutions, which heavily depend on
American money, have funneled tens of billions into Russia's corrupted
economy. Some of these billions have vanished, only to magically reappear in
the private accounts of so-called New Russians in Western banks.

But some of it has also been diverted into improving the Russian
military-industrial complex. Even the portion of this money that has actually
been used to service debt, its original purpose, makes it possible for Russia
to spend more of its own resources on military and armaments development.

Much of this money ends up in VPK coffers via the special-assistance programs
implemented by the West. For example, the United States has also initiated
several bilateral assistance programs for Russia. After spending $1.7
billion, the Nunn-Lugar "Cooperative Threat Reduction Act" received a
seven-year extension in mid-June 1999, which will cost an additional $2.8
billion to help secure RF fissionable materials and nuclear warheads.

Another program, administered in 1993 by the U.S. Department of Energy, will
disburse an estimated $11.5 billion over a 20-year period to purchase 500
metric tons of highly enriched uranium, which should have been, according to
the original agreement, diluted in the US for sale to private nuclear power
plants. In violation of this, the RF claims now to be diluting this uranium
itself; and the U.S. has credulously agreed to accept this change in the
procedure. This modified agreement will be in effect through the year 2003.

Over the next five years the US Department of Energy will pay $500 million in
salaries to Russian scientists employed in closed, nuclear cities. Many of
them are working secretly on weapons of mass destruction. According to a US
General Accounting Office report, American officials "do not always know how
many scientists are receiving funding."

On November 1 of this year American and Russian officials observed the
opening of a US-financed building in the city of Sergiev Posad to help
improve security at Russia's nuclear-weapons sites. This Security Assessment
and Training Center is a cooperative venture between the Pentagon and the
Russian military, and will serve as a test site for security technologies. In
other words, this center will serve to improve security for the Russian
nuclear arsenal and its further development.

Is any of this of benefit to the United States? Obviously, it is not.
Americans have spent billions of dollars to help establish a democratic
Russia but certainly not to help it secretly overtake the US in military
capabilities or to line the pockets of gangster bureaucrats. When will
Americans finally realize that the much-touted "strategic relationship" with
Moscow exists only in the minds of a few misguided, or opportunist, American
politicians? By now it should be obvious to all that the billions of
US-taxpayer dollars squandered on the Machiavellian ambitions of Kremlin
leaders should be spent on strengthening the security of the United States.
Who, but Americans, would subsidize the armaments of admitted adversaries?






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