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                                                  I.F. Stone




MER WEEKEND READING:  


      CIA  TOLD TO DO 'WHATEVER NECESSARY' TO KILL BID LADEN QUICKLY

  APPROACHING WINTER, MUSLIM REGIMES, and TENSION AT U.N. PUSHING U.S. HARD

           "THIS WAR MAY NEVER END" SAYS AMERICAN VICE-PRESIDENT

MID-EAST REALITIES - MER - www.MiddleEast.Org - Washington, DC - 10/21/01:
    Much pressure is building at the United Nations to not open itself to still more 
charges of being complicitous in "genocide", not to mention to do something to stop 
being seen as "an extension of the American State Department" (the actual private 
words of a senior U.N. official).   While much of the Western world, especially the 
American "homeland", continues to believe the carefully crafted "war time" propaganda 
statements coming from the White House, Pentagon, and State Department (as well as 
from #10 Downing), there are others who recall that two of the highest ranking U.N. 
officials resigned a few years ago in protest over the "genocide" they believed the 
U.N. had become complicitous to in Iraq -- on the scale of more than 1 million 
civilians killed, 5000 babies dying needlessly monthly, and an advanced country 
reduced to begging.  Echos from Rwanda and the Balkans still reverberate at the U.N. 
as well.  And now the warnings are that if a major new food and relief program is not 
begun within weeks the Anglo-American crusade now underway could result in millions of 
dead Afghanis by next year, most by famine and disease.  Some of the world's best 
international aid organizations are using a possible figure of 7.5 million!



                   WE WILL NOT BE SILENCED

   MPs MUST BE FREE TO SPEAK OUT AGAINST THIS ABSURD 
              AND POTENTIALLY DISASTROUS WAR

          By George Galloway, Member of Parliament for Glascow

[The Guardian - UK- Saturday October 20, 2001]:   In exile in Switzerland, shortly 
before the Russian revolution, Lenin opined that "there are decades when nothing 
happens; and there are weeks when decades happen". We are, it seems, living through 
such weeks. It is hard to remember a time when political instability, civil strife and 
the roar of bombs and missiles have so scarred the international landscape. 
Governments like Norway's fall, others like Australia's cut and run for a khaki 
election. General Musharraf, Pakistan's self-appointed military strongman, admits he's 
forcing through a policy rejected by 83% of his compatriots. General Sharon's Israeli 
government, riven between hawks and superhawks, now appears to have embarked on a 
doomsday option, possibly including the assassination of Arafat, following the slaying 
of the world's least attractive "tourism" minister. 

The "soft centered" European governments are beginning to squirm and the Labour 
benches in the British parliament are turning queasy at the slaughter of the world's 
poorest by the world's richest. Coalition comrades, India and Pakistan, are shelling 
each other across the line of control in Kashmir. Aid agencies are in "emotional" 
revolt and, like Mary Robinson, are having to be ordered back into their box by Clare 
Short. Muslim streets are burning from Gaza to Jakarta. In the House of Commons, 
former defence ministers, Labour rightwingers like Gwyneth Dunwoody and MPs with large 
Muslim electorates have swollen the ranks of the usual suspects - those like me, who 
have opposed all the wars of the new imperialism. 

Internationally, the coalition is shakier still. The Arab League, echoing Nato 
leaders, has declared that any attack on an Arab country will be regarded as an attack 
against all of them. The Saudis, having denied the US use of their bases and declined 
a visit by Tony Blair, are now questioning the basis of the whole campaign - even 
openly doubting the involvement of Bin Laden in the crimes of September 11. 

Meanwhile, the phone-in lines to Arab television stations are jammed with opponents of 
the war and blood-chilling threats of mayhem in revenge. Bush and Blair may not be "at 
war with Islam", but "Islam" is now at war with them and we will be lucky if that is 
not soon visible on the streets of northern English cities. 

Nowhere is that more evident than in the reaction to the "Middle East fit for heroes" 
the Anglo-Americans are promising. The Arabs simply don't believe it. Perfidious 
Albion, after all, has a track record. The Palestinian tragedy was authored here in 
the building in which I write. During the Great War, while Lawrence of Arabia rallied 
the tribal hordes to support our jihad on the Turks - with the promise of Arab 
independence - over in Downing Street Mr Sykes and Monsieur Picot were carving up the 
area into British and French colonies. And in 1991, Britain and America offered the 
Arabs a new deal, with Israel forced to implement international legality, if they 
backed the fight against Iraq. Promises made and broken with a handshake. 

Seldom can a western war drum have sounded more hollow. Seldom can the prattle of 
ministers - Labour ministers, many of whom I can still see sporting their CND badges 
as they shuttled around looking for safe seats in the 70s and 80s - about command and 
control centres, air defences and radar capabilities have seemed so obscenely stupid. 
The Afghans have none. The airport at Kabul is no more than a collection of shacks, 
whose telephones couldn't even make outgoing calls. And the statement, delivered by 
our defence secretary with all the gravitas of Captain Mainwaring, that we had 
achieved "air-superiority" over Afghanistan - over a Flintstones-style air force which 
couldn't even leave the ground - will live forever as one of those stories you really 
couldn't make up. 

So what are the "allies" bombing? The four UN mine-clearing staff, the shepherds and 
their families in the village of Khorum, the Red Cross compound in Kabul, the 
residents of Kandahar, the trucks full of terrified refugees. More of these human and 
public relations disasters will conspire to "bury" the government's message. An 
already restless audience here, never mind among the 1.3bn Muslims nursing their 
wrath, will not sit through this unequal fight with equanimity. And without a change 
of policy, the winter snows will soon begin to tilt this disaster into an 
international catastrophe. 

Well, what should we do, ask the remaining subalterns of the war party's thin red 
line. As the Irishman famously replied: "If I wanted to get to Cork, I wouldn't have 
started from here." The government was repeatedly warned of the grisly consequences of 
its tango with Islamic fundamentalism in Afghanistan. I accused it on the eve of the 
fall of Kabul of having opened the gates to the barbarians and of the long dark night 
which would follow. Many of us have since described the rising tide of radical Islam, 
buoyed by our double standards towards Palestine and Iraq, and our buttressing of 
stooge kings, generals and 99%-of-the-vote presidents of the Muslim world - now 
laughably lined up behind "operation enduring freedom". 

But even for those who have brought us to this terrifying cusp in world events, there 
were alternatives. The squeeze could have been kept up on the Taliban - three weeks is 
not a long time to secure extradition on a capital offence, especially without 
providing evidence to the country concerned. The judicious waving of carrots to tribal 
chiefs could well have achieved the betrayal of Bin Laden. And if military action was 
seen as unavoidable, the target should have been the Arab legions in the mountains, 
not the poor ragged Afghans they've colonised, who never invited them in - we did - 
and have no way of making them leave. This and a Lockerbie-type trial, in a neutral 
country and including Muslim jurists, would have been one way to show how "civilised" 
we were. Instead we've answered savagery with savagery. 

On the home front, there are disturbing signs of the Downing Street general staff 
losing their nerve. Careless talk circulates about members of parliament being 
carpeted, media appearances vetted, ultimatums issued. This would be the ultimate 
surrender to democracy's enemies. Throughout the second world war, Aneurin Bevan 
subjected the line of the Churchill coalition government to excoriating criticism and 
withering examination - as Churchill himself had done with Chamberlain. Both would 
have scorned the idea of their actions being licensed by whips, as if we were circus 
dogs whose duty was to perform tricks for the ringmaster. I too have now been summoned 
to see the chief whip. Next week, over tea and biscuits at 11 Downing Street, I will 
have to courteously explain to my old friend Hilary Armstrong that I, for one, will 
not be gagged. This bombing has to stop - and the war is too important to be left to 
ministers and generals in conclave. 




    U.S. NOW INSISTS CRITICS ARE ITS ENEMIES
                   By George Monbiot

         The US, founded to protect basic 
         freedoms, is now insisting that 
         its critics are its enemies 
 
[The Guardian - Tuesday October 16, 2001]:
 If satire died on the day Henry Kissinger received the Nobel Peace Prize, 
then last week its corpse was exhumed for a kicking. As head of the United 
Nations peacekeeping department, Kofi Annan failed to prevent the genocide in 
Rwanda or the massacre in Srebrenica. Now, as secretary general, he appears 
to have interpreted the UN charter as generously as possible to allow the 
attack on Afghanistan to go ahead. 
 
 Article 51 permits states to defend themselves against attack. It says 
nothing about subsequent retaliation. It offers no licence to attack people 
who might be harbouring a nation's enemies. The bombing of Afghanistan, which 
began before the UN security council gave its approval, is legally 
contentious. Yet the man and the organisation who overlooked this obstacle to 
facilitate war are honoured for their contribution to peace. 
 
 Endowments like the Nobel Peace Prize are surely designed to reward 
self-sacrifice. Nelson Mandela gave up his liberty, FW de Klerk gave up his 
power, and both were worthy recipients of the prize. But Kofi Annan, the 
career bureaucrat, has given up nothing. He has been rewarded for doing as he 
is told, while nobly submitting to a gigantic salary and bottomless expense 
account. 
 
 Among the other nominees for the prize was a group whose qualifications were 
rather more robust. Members of Women in Black have routinely risked their 
lives in the hope of preventing war. They have stayed in the homes of 
Palestinians being shelled by Israeli tanks and have confronted war criminals 
in the Balkans. They have stood silently while being abused and spat at 
during vigils all over the world. But now, in this looking-glass world in 
which war is peace and peace is war, instead of winning the peace prize the 
Women in Black have been labelled potential terrorists by the FBI and 
threatened with a grand jury investigation. 
 
 They are in good company. Earlier this year the director of the FBI named 
the chaotic but harmless organisations Reclaim the Streets and Carnival 
Against Capitalism in the statement on terrorism he presented to the Senate. 
Now, partly as a result of his representations, the Senate's new terrorism 
bill, like Britain's Terrorism Act 2000, redefines the crime so broadly that 
members of Greenpeace are in danger of being treated like members of 
al-Qaida. The Bush doctrine - if you're not with us, you're against us - is 
already being applied. 
 
 This government by syllogism makes no sense at all. Osama bin Laden and 
al-Qaida have challenged the US government; ergo anyone who challenges the 
government is a potential terrorist. That Bin Laden is, according to US 
officials, a "fascist", while the other groups are progressives is 
irrelevant: every public hand raised in objection will from now on be treated 
as a public hand raised in attack. Given that Bin Laden is not a progressive 
but is a millionaire, it would surely make more sense to round up and 
interrogate all millionaires. 
 
 Lumping Women in Black together with al-Qaida requires just a minor addition 
to the vocabulary: they have been jointly classified as "anti-American". This 
term, as used by everyone from the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, and 
the Daily Mail to Tony Blair and several writers on these pages, applies not 
only to those who hate Americans, but also to those who have challenged US 
foreign and defence objectives. Implicit in this denunciation is a demand for 
uncritical support, for a love of government more consonant with the codes of 
tsarist Russia than with the ideals upon which the United States was founded. 
 
 The charge of "anti-Americanism" is itself profoundly anti-American. If the 
US does not stand for freedom of thought and speech, for diversity and 
dissent, then we have been deceived as to the nature of the national project. 
Were the founding fathers to congregate today to discuss the principles 
enshrined in their declaration of independence, they would be denounced as 
"anti-American" and investigated as potential terrorists. Anti-American means 
today precisely what un-American meant in the 1950s. It is an instrument of 
dismissal, a means of excluding your critics from rational discourse. 
 
 Under the new McCarthyism, this dismissal extends to anyone who seeks to 
promulgate a version of events other than that sanctioned by the US 
government. On September 20, President Bush told us that "this is the fight 
of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom". Two 
weeks later, his secretary of state, Colin Powell, met the Emir of Qatar to 
request that progress, pluralism, tolerance and freedom be suppressed. 
Al-Jazeera is one of the few independent television stations in the Middle 
East, whose popularity is the result of its uncommon regard for freedom of 
speech. It is also the only station permitted to operate freely in Kabul. 
Powell's request that it be squashed was a pre-emptive strike against 
freedom, which, he hoped, would prevent the world from seeing what was really 
happening once the bombing began. 
 
 Since then, both George Bush and Tony Blair have sought to prevent 
al-Jazeera from airing video statements by Bin Laden, on the grounds of the 
preposterous schoolboy intrigue that they "might contain coded messages". 
Over the weekend the government sought to persuade British broadcasters to 
restrict their coverage of the war. Blair's spin doctors warned: "You can't 
trust them [the Taliban] in any way, shape, or form." While true, this 
applies with equal force to the techniques employed by Downing Street. When 
Alastair Campbell starts briefing journalists about "Spin Laden", it's a case 
of the tarantula spinning against the money spider. 
 
 If we are to preserve the progress, pluralism, tolerance and freedom which 
President Bush claims to be defending, then we must question everything we 
see and hear. Though we know that governments lie to us in wartime, most 
people seem to believe that this universal rule applies to every conflict 
except the current one. Many of those who now accept that babies were not 
thrown out of incubators in Kuwait, and that the Belgrano was fleeing when it 
was hit, are also prepared to believe everything we are being told about 
Afghanistan and terrorism in the US. 
 
 There are plenty of reasons to be sceptical. The magical appearance of the 
terrorists' luggage, passports and flight manual looks rather too good to be 
true. The dossier of "evidence" purporting to establish Bin Laden's guilt 
consists largely of supposition and conjecture. The ration packs being 
dropped on Afghanistan have no conceivable purpose other than to create the 
false impression that starving people are being fed. Even the anthrax scare 
looks suspiciously convenient. Just as the hawks in Washington were losing 
the public argument about extending the war to other countries, journalists 
start receiving envelopes full of bacteria, which might as well have been 
labelled "a gift from Iraq". This could indeed be the work of terrorists, who 
may have their own reasons for widening the conflict, but there are plenty of 
other ruthless operators who would benefit from a shift in public opinion. 
 
 Democracy is sustained not by public trust but by public scepticism. Unless 
we are prepared to question, to expose, to challenge and to dissent, we 
conspire in the demise of the system for which our governments are supposed 
to be fighting. The true defenders of America are those who are now being 
told that they are anti-American.



   
     CIA TOLD TO DO 'WHATEVER NECESSARY' TO KILL BIN LADEN

            Agency and Military Collaborating at 'Unprecedented' Level; 
                 Cheney Says War Against Terror 'May Never End' 
                                 By Bob Woodward

[Washington Post - Sunday, October 21, 2001; Page 1]:  President Bush last month 
signed an intelligence order directing the CIA to undertake its most sweeping and 
lethal covert action since the founding of the agency in 1947, explicitly calling for 
the destruction of Osama bin Laden and his worldwide al Qaeda network, according to 
senior government officials.

The president also added more than $1 billion to the agency's war on terrorism, most 
of it for the new covert action. The operation will include what officials said is 
"unprecedented" coordination between the CIA and commando and other military units. 
Officials said that the president, operating through his "war cabinet," has pledged to 
dispatch military units to take advantage of the CIA's latest and best intelligence.

Bush's order, called an intelligence "finding," instructs the agency to attack bin 
Laden's communications, security apparatus and infrastructure, senior government 
officials said. U.S. intelligence has identified new and important specific weaknesses 
in the bin Laden organization that are not publicly known, and these vulnerabilities 
will be the focus of the lethal covert action, sources said.

"The gloves are off," one senior official said. "The president has given the agency 
the green light to do whatever is necessary. Lethal operations that were unthinkable 
pre-September 11 are now underway."

The CIA's covert action is a key part of the president's offensive against terrorism, 
but the agency is also playing a critical role in the defense against future terrorist 
attacks.

For example, each day a CIA document called the "Threat Matrix," which has the highest 
security classification ("Top Secret/Codeword"), lands on the desks of the top 
national security and intelligence officials in the Bush administration. It presents 
the freshest and most sensitive raw intelligence on dozens of threatened bombings, 
hijackings or poisonings. Only threats deemed to have some credibility are included in 
the document.

One day last week, the Threat Matrix contained 100 threats to U.S. facilities in the 
United States and around the world -- shopping complexes, specific cities, places 
where thousands gather, embassies. Though nearly all the listed threats have passed 
without incident and 99 percent turned out to be groundless, dozens more take their 
place in the matrix each day.

It was the matrix that generated the national alert of impending terrorist action 
issued by the FBI on Oct. 11. The goal of the matrix is simple: Look for patterns and 
specific details that might prevent another Sept. 11.

"I don't think there has been such risk to the country since the Cuban missile 
crisis," a senior official said.

During an interview in his West Wing office Friday morning, Vice President Cheney 
spoke of the new war on terrorism as much more problematic and protracted than the 
Persian Gulf War of 1991, when Cheney served as secretary of defense to Bush's father.

The vice president bluntly said: "It is different than the Gulf War was, in the sense 
that it may never end. At least, not in our lifetime."

In issuing the finding that targets bin Laden, the president has said he wants the CIA 
to undertake high-risk operations. He has stated to his advisers that he is willing to 
risk failure in the pursuit of ultimate victory, even if the results are some 
embarrassing public setbacks in individual operations. The overall military and covert 
plan is intended to be massive and decisive, officials said.

"If you are going to push the envelope some things will go wrong, and [President Bush] 
sees that and understands risk-taking," one senior official said.

In the interview, Cheney said, "I think it's fair to say you can't predict a straight 
line to victory. You know, there'll be good days and bad days along the way."

The new determination among Bush officials to go after bin Laden and his network is 
informed by their pained knowledge that U.S. intelligence last spring obtained high 
quality video of bin Laden himself but were unable to act on it.

The video showed bin Laden with his distinctive beard and white robes surrounded by a 
large entourage at one of his known locations in Afghanistan. But neither the CIA nor 
the U.S. military had the means to shoot a missile or another weapon at him while he 
was being photographed.



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