-Caveat Lector-

In the article below is a shrewd person plotting in a major media
publication how to start a war that nobody wants and justify it. - Wasn't
the whole purpose to disarm Iraq? It appears that this person is somehow
seeing the point as being to bomb down Iraq. What the hell for? Why would
anyone want that? Least of all Americans? - This mystery is explained when
you learn that the writer is Jewish and the history of MSNBC being a forum
and a voice for Israel's extremist foreign policy advocates craving for
genocidal destruction and war.

Disarming Iraq doesn't need a war or the unnecessary deaths of millions.
Oil barons and madmen, such as one writing below, need the war for their
own personal economic benefits.

Plotting U.N. to somehow approve of aggression is still against the
founding UN charter and the International Law.

Only criminally insane madmen want war. Lock them up, I say!

http://www.msnbc.com/news/874319.asp?0sl=-23

How To Beat France
There are a few simple tricks the Bush White House could use to defang
French opposition to military action in Iraq

NEWSWEEK WEB EXCLUSIVE

      Feb. 18 .  This weekend, NATO.s great crisis was averted with a
cunning old trick: keep your opponents out of the room. In a deal struck
in Brussels, the Americans won NATO support for beefing up Turkey.s
defenses.including providing NATO surveillance planes, Patriot missiles
and chemical and biological units. So the transatlantic alliance
survives-and Turkey can plan its defenses before war begins in neighboring
Iraq-thanks to a simple sidestep around the French. Of course, there was
also snowstorm of political pressure dumped on the heads of the last
holdouts.mighty Belgium, notably.and some finessing of the final public
statements. Yet the real genius behind the weekend.s talks was to move the
debate to a venue where France has no seat.the arcanely-titled Defense
Planning Committee.

        FRANCE HAS EXCLUDED itself from the main task of NATO.military
defense.since 1966. It.s useful to recall those heady days to understand a
little better just what.s going on with France right now. (It.s also
useful to remember that period to debunk all the breathless talk about how
unprecedented the current transatlantic crisis is.)
       President Charles de Gaulle mistrusted NATO from the outset because
it left France in a relatively weak position.effectively under the
American defense umbrella. So when he returned to power in 1958, he made
it clear he was reclaiming French independence with its own nuclear bomb
and its withdrawal of French forces from NATO.s American-led command. The
Soviets were delighted, while the Americans and British were predictably
furious (there were even anti-French demonstrations at the time). France
never abandoned the alliance, but de Gaulle famously pointed his missiles
to all points of the compass, or .tous azimuts..
>From NEWSWEEK's Feb. 24 issue: A Great Divide

       Around the same time as de Gaulle was encouraging French-speaking
Quebec to separate from Canada, Jacques Chirac was starting his political
career. It was inside the cabinet of prime minister Georges Pompidou, who
was once de Gaulle.s chief of staff, that Chirac earned himself the
nickname .le bulldozer. for his gentle political touch. Of course since
then.and the end of the cold war.France has edged away from pure Gaullism
and a little closer towards NATO. Yet Chirac remains the forceful.if
unsubtle.leader of a neo-Gaullist party, and those Gaullist traditions are
part of his political DNA.
       That forcefully independent streak has been center-stage since
President George W. Bush took his case against Iraq to the United Nations
last September. Blocking, denying and refusing American policies come
naturally to any self-respecting Gaullist. Offering alternatives is a
little more difficult.especially serious alternatives that might work in
practice in Iraq. Yet those tactics have proved hugely successful for the
French over the last five months.until now.
       What the great NATO compromise shows are three easy steps to
halting the French bulldozer in its tracks:
 Split apart the French from their main allies, the Germans. (Sorry
Belgium, but you.re not yet part of the major league.) With the French out
of the room, the Germans could not bear to deny a country such as Turkey
(and the rest of its allies). For months the Bush administration has been
working on the premise that the Germans were the tough opponents of
war.ever since Gerhard Schroder annoyed the White House and won
re-election by opposing war in Iraq. Yet it turns out that the French.not
the Germans.have dug themselves in deeper against war. Memo to the White
House: keep working on the Germans.
 Take the dispute behind closed doors. Without the public gallery, it.s a
lot easier to get things done. Even at the United Nations, the Americans
won strong support at a private session of the Security Council that
followed France.s on-camera applause. Behind the scenes with the
inspectors, the United States won strong support from the Chileans and
Bulgarians.in addition to the public cheering from the British and
Spanish. Even the inspectors sounded happier with Washington. Hans Blix
conceded that there was no .breakthrough. in terms of Iraqi cooperation,
even though there were signs of .procedural. progress. Both Blix and
Mohammed el- Baradei admitted they had only made that progress because of
the threat of U.S. force behind them, according to U.S. officials.
 Tone down the rhetoric. This is where the Bush administration.s foreign
policy experts need to learn from its domestic whiz kids. Karl Rove would
never want Bush.or his cabinet.to engage in public name-calling on
domestic politics. (He.d get someone else to do it for them.) So why allow
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to pour fuel on the fire in Europe? It.s
a repeat of what happened during Schroder.s re-election. Condoleezza Rice,
Bush.s national security adviser, accused the Germans of poisoning
relations with Washington on the eve of the German election. That only
helped Schroder.s vote, by making him look tough and making the White
House look heavy-handed. If you want to talk like a cowboy, expect the
Indians to shoot back.
       Powell tried to avoid that cowboy routine at the Security Council.
But he was also frustrated by his opponents. grandstanding.and the
applause they won. When the secretary of State ditched his prepared
remarks, he was trying to engage his French and Russian critics head on,
his aides said. .Colin Powell knows how to give a speech that gets a lot
of applause,. said one senior State department official. .It.s one thing
to go the circus and get cotton candy. But now it.s time to bring this one
home..
       Bringing a second resolution home is likely to involve a
combination of all three of the tactics above. Powell was particularly
encouraged by German proposals for a series of substantive tests for the
Iraqis to prove yet again whether Iraq is serious about disarming. Those
tests.coupled with a re-statement of the previous resolution.could still
deliver the U.N. stamp of approval for war in Iraq.
       But that depends if the White House wants to give Colin Powell the
time and space to build support behind the scenes. If the Bush White House
chooses instead to play the Gaullists at their own game, the war of
words.and the transatlantic dispute.will only get much, much worse.

       © 2003 Newsweek, Inc.

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