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The Original Thirteenth Amendment:
Titles of Nobility and Honour,
An Essay
Chapter 5
One Hundred Years of Pain, 1868-1968
Totalitarianism ... does not so much promise an age of faith as an age of
schizophrenia. -- George Orwell
Thus begins the one hundred years of Constitutional amnesia which the
disappearance of this section begets, first suppressed or ignored by Abraham
Lincoln during the Civil War, and finished off after the most-disputed
Presidential election in our history, in 1876.
Thus begins the pain and turmoil of Reconstruction, followed by the
formation and implementation of Jim Crow laws -- done mostly by State
legislative action and led by Attorneys at the Bar, throughout the south --
and after 1876, there is the rise of the Ku Klux Klan. What was a minor
organization with a few local supporters becomes a major force in the
nation, complete with Titles of Honour and all the accoutrements known to
such awards in the royal courts of Europe.
Thus begins the growing pains of the great Republic, with the imposition of
the income tax (the 16th Amendment), and the changes in the selection
process of the Senate (the 17th Amendment). Then, in the 1920s, there is the
resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan, following the War to End All Wars and
Wilsonian diplomacy ending in tatters. Here is where the true and painful
reality of modern Americans society begins -- in the theories of white
supremacy and "whites only" laws, that would have been constitutionally
disqualified, had the original Thirteenth Amendment not been suppressed and
forgotten, by that time. Thus begins the age of the lawyer, the days and
nights of judicial tyranny, and the long twilight struggle against that
greatest of all enemies of humanity -- Socialism. In concluding this
section, remember what George Orwell said, in defining the true nature of
socialism.
"The remedy for our social evils," said Representative Charles A. Lindbergh,
Senior, "does not so much consist in changing the system of government as it
does in increasing the general intelligence of the people so that they may
know how to govern." Lindbergh represented the Sixth District of Minnesota,
being first elected in 1906, and was both an ally of Teddy Roosevelt and a
staunch opponent of the Aldrich Monetary Commission. "If they do not learn
how to govern themselves intelligently, Socialism will be the result."
Seventy years before R. Buckminster Fuller accused the money factors of Wall
Street of wrecking the technological supremacy of American automobile
makers, in favor of "advertising," Charles A. Lindbergh had tangled with the
Rockefellers and their Standard Oil Company. The Congressman said of their
power, that it was like "an iron grip on the people's earning, and we now
require protection against it rather than for it." For many years Standard
Oil sold petroleum in the United States at a higher price than was offered
to the British, French or German markets.
"Because the American public was in love with the annual automobile shows,"
wrote Fuller in 1981, "the Wall Street financiers who had thrown out all the
colorful [car designers] started a new game by setting up the Madison Avenue
advertising industry, which hired artists who knew how to use the new
airbrush to make beautiful drawings of ... superficially -- not mechanically
-- new dream cars."
"This was the beginning of the downfall of the world-esteemed integrity of
Yankee ingenuity, which was frequently, forthrightly, and often naively
manifest in American business. Big business in the U.S.A. set out to make
money deceitfully -- by fake "new models" -- and engineering design advance
was replaced by 'style' design change." Buckminster Fuller was a young man,
building houses, in the 1920s, and like Lindbergh he developed a life-long
distrust of bankers and the money factors.
"What the bankers did like to support in the new mass productivity was
tractor-driven farm machinery. Farm machinery was easy to sell." So, where
the banking business was previously opposed to the concept of
time-financing, the success of Ford Motors' and General Motors' finance
corporations made them take notice. "So the bankers approved the financing
of the production and marketing of the farm machinery. They held a chattel
mortgage on the machinery and a mortgage on the farmland itself and all of
its buildings. The bankers loved that. There was enthusiastic bank
acceptance of the selling of such equipment 'one time' to the farmers. The
bankers did not consider this 'immoral.' [Unlike] the automobilist who was
'just joy riding.'
"Then there came a very bad hog market in 1926. Many farmers were unable to
make the payments on their power-driven equipment. The local country banks
foreclosed on the delinquent farmers' mortgages and took away their farms
and machinery. The bankers had assumed that the farms were going to be
readily saleable. It turned out, however, that there were not so many
non-farmers waiting to become farmers, and most of the real farmers had been
put out of business by the bank foreclosures ...." In essence, the
productivity engendered by this new equipment and new farming methods
produced so much grain and livestock that it pushed down the prices, and
made profits difficult to come by. After the foreclosures, and with the
tough credit policies of the 1920s in effect, the farmers were driven off
their land.
In this environment of boom and bust, the Roaring '20s, with so much illegal
liquor money corrupting the big cities, it is little wonder that both the
Socialist Party and the Ku Klux Klan entered a period of rapid growth. By
1924, the socialist factions were deeply entrenched in the urban and
industrial areas, whereas the Klan was resurgent in the smaller cities and
in rural America. From New Jersey to Indiana, from Florida to Colorado and
Missouri, the Klan vote was the swing vote in the national elections. The Ku
Klux Klan endorsed the winning candidates in Oklahoma, who were all
Democrats at the Congressional level, while backing the Republican winners
in Colorado (including bitterly contested Senate races). The Klan also took
control of the Indiana state government from within.
Here is where the disappearance of the original Thirteenth Amendment pays
dividends for the racists, hatemongers and anti-Semites who have always been
a factor in American society. The Ku Klux Klan evolved over time, into a
semi-secret society, based on a corrupt and jaundiced view of Christian
chivalry and the traditions of knighthood. The KKK awards Titles of Honour,
the equivalent of the military orders and societies which made European
generals into ribbon-festooned peacocks in the years before the first World
War.
To be a Klan member in the southern States was to acquire legal immunities,
privileges and property rights which were denied to all other citizens,
creating second-class citizenship for other whites, and denying the
much-heralded "equal protection" of the so-called Fourteenth Amendment to
native-born blacks, most Catholics and all Jews. Much of this nativist
feeling was the result of dramatic social changes -- including Catholic
immigration -- sweeping the U.S. in the years 1900 to 1916. Reformers
battled entrenched political machines in almost every major city, but the
southern States were "one-Party" territory -- Democrats only.
The victories of the Progressives and the Prohibition Party dissipated their
energies after 1920. The country had been opposed to the great European war,
and Woodrow Wilson had been re-elected in 1916 on the slogan, "He Kept Us
Out Of War." Then he promptly betrayed the coalition which elected him, led
the U.S. into the slaughterhouse that was "the Western Front," and by 1920
the Wilsonians had been routed. As with the "war on drugs" begun in the
1970s, the prohibition against alcoholic beverages and the Constitutional
Amendment needed to sustain it as a federal statute created a massive black
market. In the twilight economy of bootleg liquor, brutality, ruthlessness
and cunning supplanted all other forms of good business judgment.
Coupled with the economic boom produced by the new technologies of radio,
low-cost telephone service, and amazing advances in metal-working, real
wages rose in the 1920s. Profits accompanied prosperity and the huge amounts
of illegal money circulating in the bootleg economy served to corrupt the
city and State governments in many parts of the country. The Ku Klux Klan
gained in popularity as a reaction against "foreigners," and the big-city
corruption of Catholic-dominated Democratic machines. The Klan was
extraordinarily effective in its recruiting during the '20s.
Like the Cambridge Dons of the 1930s, who suborned so many bright young
Englishmen and brought them into the Communist Party, the most-savvy
politicians of the 1920s either used the Klan or used its rhetoric to build
their local party organizations. Radio was still developing -- and the big
newspapers controlled most of what was known as mass media -- so the thirty
per cent of the white population that was illiterate (as of 1930), was ripe
for Bible-based anti-Semitism and racism. The Democratic Party of Missouri
was controlled from within by Klan elements, and the career of Harry S.
Truman was tainted by allegations that he willingly joined it.
As William P. Hoar puts it, in his 1984 book "Architects of Conspiracy,"
Harry Truman could not lay such accusations to rest:
"But now and again embarrassing rumors crept out about Truman's onetime
membership in the Ku Klux Klan. A witness reported that he and Harry had
joined the Klan on the same day, and boasted that he had been the man who
introduced his fellow Klansman to Tom Pendergast. It was not an
uncorroborated report."
There is absolutely no doubt that the Klan was powerful in New Jersey in the
1920s. The New York Times, throughout 1924, reports on clashes between
Klansmen and anti-Klan demonstrators, both in the streets and in the court
rooms. Interfaith services brought together Jews and Catholics and
fundamentalist protestant Christians who opposed the militancy of the New
Jersey Klan.
During the first week-end of November, 1924, as the national and
Presidential elections were approaching, Klan agitators in the State of Ohio
broke down the social fabric; outright warfare erupted between armed
Klansmen and a citizens' militia in the Youngstown area. Those who favor gun
control and a disarmed populace should study, carefully, the four days of
fighting between the Ku Klux Klan and the armed citizens' militia known as
"The Knights of the Flaming Circle."
Forming up outside of the town of Niles, Ohio, a large group of Klansmen
assembled an encampment and paraded in their regalia. With only five days to
go until the election, where three major candidates opposed President Calvin
Coolidge, many State and local races were undecided. As mentioned before,
the Klan vote was considered the crucial, swing vote in many regions and
States, including Ohio.
The insulting behavior and virulent anti-Catholic rhetoric of the local Klan
proved to be too much for the immigrant steelworkers and their progressive
allies in the Youngstown and Niles area. These were the days of Big Steel,
and the towns of Warren, Boardman and Columbiana held thousands of men and
women who followed the Catholic or Orthodox Churches. The provocations of
the Klan gathering proved to be more than mortal men could endure, and what
began as a traffic accident escalated into a fatal fight. The Klansmen
retreated to their encampment, prepared to march every day until the
election, hoping to intimidate the immigrants and to sway the undecided
voters in their favor.
The plan backfired badly. Enraged, hundreds of armed men formed a citizens'
militia and called themselves "The Knights of the Flaming Circle," and
surrounded the Klan encampment. Thus began three days of skirmishing and
gunfire which killed three men outright and injured many others. The Klan
could not break out and the Flaming Circle could not over-run the racists,
by now well dug in. Armed men from other parts of northern Ohio sought to
join the Knights of the Flaming Circle -- and some brought their whole
families! -- but they were turned away by Sheriff's roadblocks.
Finally, by the Monday preceding the election, the Governor of Ohio called
out the State Militia, now known as the federal National Guard, and a
combination of threats and wheedling negotiations settled the issue. The
Knights of the Flaming Circle went home, with their rifles and their
pistols, and the Klan was scattered and in disgrace.
Here is the lesson of the 1924 battle of Niles: the Second Amendment
guarantee of the individual's right to keep and bear arms helped
progressives and Catholics defend themselves against the racist agitators of
the Ku Klux Klan. Whereas unarmed blacks in the southern States were subject
to beatings, lynchings and other mob actions, throughout the period of the
Klan's dominance (1888 to 1928), the armed citizenry of Ohio was able to
defend itself -- and did.
Nothing could be more clear, than that the rapid rise of the Ku Klux Klan
after 1876 was enabled by the suppression of the Titles of Nobility
Amendment. Without the fundamental guarantee of protection against the
creation of semi-secret military orders, bearing Titles of Honour and all
the ribbons, robes and blood-red regalia of such racism -- the freedmen of
the southern States were left defenseless. So, too, the sorry history of the
so-called Fourteenth Amendment is no longer taught, or taught truthfully, in
either the public high schools or the elite academies which feed students
into the Ivy League. In their zeal to punish the rebellious southern gentry,
the radical Republicans forced the measures known as Reconstruction through
a rump Congress, one where every Senator and every Representative from the
southern States was denied their duly-elected place in Washington.
"Lindbergh found secret collusion between Southern and English bankers at
the time of the Civil War," writes William P. Hoar, citing "his 1913 book
'Banking and Currency And The Money Trust.' He published there the text of
the 1862 'Hazard Circular' which revealed how labor would henceforth be
controlled by the amount of currency the bankers permitted in the market,
since chattel slavery would be abolished by the war." Once Jim Crow laws
were firmly established in the southern States, both the black freedmen and
poor white farmers were subject to the petty tyrannies of sharecropping.
There was always credit, but never enough money to get out of debt
completely, for most tenant farmers. The merchants, too, were bound by the
policies of the banks, as they had to buy their manufactured goods from
either the northern states or from Great Britain, either of which required
credit for shipping and handling costs. British manufacturing did not go
into decline until after 1900.
"Lindbergh accused Members of Congress of meeting in secret to determine
which currency bill would pass and what type of Federal Reserve System
should be established," says Hoar. "Time and again the plans of the money
manipulators had to be revised because of exposure by Congressman Lindbergh
and his associates."
"It was not that the problems could not be seen by others," wrote
Buckminster Fuller of his own personal self-transformation, in 1927, "but
society was preoccupied with individual, national, state, and local
business-survival problems, which forced its leaders into short-term,
limited-scope considerations -- with no time for total world problems. The
presidents of great corporations had to make good profits within a very few
years or lose their jobs. The politicians, too, were preoccupied with
short-range national, state or municipal survival matters."
For those who are conspiracy-minded, it is interesting to note that Charles
A. Lindbergh, Senior, battled the Rockefeller family and its control of
petroleum with Standard Oil. He opposed "the bill that created the Federal
Reserve System [which] was nothing more than the Aldrich plan in disguise."
It was Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller who was responsible for "reforming" the
drug possession laws of New York State, resulting in a huge increase in the
prison population over the last twenty years (many States imitated the
Rockefeller plan of the mid-1970s). And it was the Rockefeller wing of the
Republican Party which drafted the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA), which has pauperized the working families of Mexico while
converting our southern neighbor into a narco-dictatorship. The principal
Democratic allies of William Jefferson Clinton are John D. (Jay) Rockefeller
IV, of West Virginia, and the various foundations, think-tanks and social
policy advocates the Rockefeller family has sponsored over the years.
Linked to the invisible, behind-the-thrones government that Fuller described
in his many lectures and writings, the Rockefellers simply outlasted Charles
A. Lindbergh, Senior. As Hoar, writing in "Architects of Conspiracy", put
it: "shortly before the end of his congressional career, C.A. Lindbergh
formally moved to impeach the members of the Federal Reserve Board and
offered a fifteen-count indictment of their conspiracy. The motion was
buried in the Judiciary Committee."
Lindbergh himself said "the plain truth is that neither of these great
parties, as at present led and manipulated by an 'invisible government,' is
fit to manage the destinies of a great people, and this fact is well
understood by all who have had the time and have used it to investigate."
Charles A. Lindbergh stepped down from Congress and later ran for Governor
of Minnesota, in 1918. One analyst called that election the dirtiest ever
seen, and the Non-Partisan League "with which he was then associated, was
frequently denied the right to assembly;" and, as Hoar discovered, "mobs
raged against Lindbergh, who was stoned and hung in effigy." Plates of his
books were destroyed and the New York Times called him 'a sort of Gopher
Bolshevik.' Lindbergh's contributions to the Red Cross, and his long-term
support of military preparedness and the Liberty Loan were all forgotten in
the national campaign against him.
"Lindbergh supporters were often arrested without warrants." As Hoar notes,
even those indignities could not silence the senior man. He ran for the
Senate in 1923, losing on the Farmer-Labor ticket, with his son flying him
around in an airplane. Charles A. Lindbergh, Senior, died in 1924.
Who, then, was more wise, more correct, and more savvy in the ways of the
world, as the United States emerged from a mostly agricultural economy in
the 1880s, Charles A. Lindbergh -- lawyer, farmer and Congressman -- or
Woodrow Wilson, college professor, Governor and President? It was Lindbergh
who opposed our entry into the bloodbath that was the Great War, and Wilson
who betrayed the whole country by allowing us to be dragged in -- for the
benefit of British bankers and their royal family. The Great War would have
burned itself out in another few months, as both the Germans and the French
were too exhausted to carry it forward.
And how many historians have identified the punitive policies of the
Versailles Treaty (so similar in character to Reconstruction), as the source
of the social collapse which created the conditions for fascism to rise in
Germany? Charles A. Lindbergh, Jr. was a leading speaker against the
involvement of the United States in the second European war, and was
pilloried as an anti-Semite when he was not.
"The socialist origins of modern anti-Semitism illustrate the link between
statism and the persecution of minorities. Anti-Semitism as a formal,
intellectual movement arose in the middle of the nineteenth century," writes
Dr. Tyler Cowen of George Mason University, "when Jewish conspiracy theories
grew in popularity."
The great aviator, who secretly helped the U.S. intelligence services during
his tour of Germany, was smeared relentlessly by the pro-intervention
political factions loyal to Franklin D. Roosevelt, as his father was smeared
by the Wilsonians. His America First philosophy was not based on
anti-Semitism. After the war, he was restored to prominence by many of those
same media organs -- especially for his patronage of American rocketry
during the Cold War. The liberal establishment, who profited from the New
Deal, was suprisingly ineffective when it came to assisting the Jewish
refugees coming out of Germany before the war, and out of France after it
began.
"French Jewry was highly commercial, financial," writes Cowen, "and
capitalistic." These social values were not sufficient to save them in any
large numbers, and this adds irony to the smear campaigns conducted against
Lindbergh. His father feared that the "invisible government" he had battled
for years, as a Congressman, would produce an entrenched socialistic
dictator.
"Heavily regulated or socialist economies," says Dr. Cowen, "tend to breed
intolerance and ethnic persecution." There are reasons for disputing Cowen,
with regard to the racism and anti-immigrant feelings that arose in the
United States during the time of the Know-Nothings. Business had almost
complete freedom of operation, then, and hostility still bubbled over,
against the Mormons and the Irish, and against a supposed Masonic
conspiracy.
"Most socialists supported [the] World War" notes Cowen, speaking of
European politics, "which provided a tremendous boost to anti-Semitism,
without hesitation." Neither of the two Lindberghs proposed anti-Semitism as
an American value, or as a Christian virtue, but the money factors backing
Woodrow Wilson and his protégé, F.D.R., were unrepentant in their attacks on
them. Yet neither President provided any succor to the Jews of Europe.
The U.S. mobilized its whole industrial economy for the second War, again
coming to the rescue of Great Britain in its never-ending disputes with its
kissing cousins, the German people. Nothing that the U.S. did during the
second War was of any use against the NAZI terror, and it now seems certain
that high government officials among the Allies ignored intelligence reports
that confirmed the slaughter of the Jews, Gypsies and other ethnic
minorities in central Europe.
The paternity of the Viet Nam war is now indisputable:
Its great-grandfather was Woodrow Wilson, its grandfather was the man who
made Lyndon B. Johnson -- Franklin Delano Roosevelt, our wartime leader --
and it was LBJ with his Great Society experiment in utopian social
engineering, which sent so many young Americans to their deaths. He was
booted by popular opinion, in 1968, the victim of his own success. He
retired to Texas as a multi-millionaire, having used the Senate the way the
Lords of England once used their own House, as an avenue for legitimizing
graft and corrupt business practices. He was always the "good ol' country
boy," but he was never, ever "simple."
One Hundred Years of Pain -- beginning with the Radical Congress that
crushed the southern States with Reconstruction -- and the so-called
Fourteenth Amendment, which augmented the power of all the great
corporations yet tolerated the outrages of Jim Crow for seventy-five years
or more! Three Democratic regimes which were elected to attend to the
business of the people, and then moved to betray them by involving the
country in foreign wars and adventures! The final disgrace, being Viet Nam
-- a massive war built up, piece by piece, without ever having a Declaration
of War! Young Americans conscripted for a war machine which was supposed to
battle international communism, but which benefited only the money factors
and their Wall Street brokers, and the business cronies of LBJ. in Texas,
California and Washington State. All of the brutalities and failures of
British Toryism, seemingly transplanted to these United States, and
flowering two hundred years later: and none of the cultural successes that
graced that era -- no Christopher Wren, no soaring music, no genius in
landscape painting or architecture.
President Andrew Johnson escaped with his political life, facing impeachment
and surviving. But Dr. Martin Luther King and Senator Robert Kennedy, both
murdered in that awful year of 1968 (and their deaths still the subject of
controversy), paid for their visions with their lives, actual and political.

Thus ends the One Hundred Years of Pain, in bloody turmoil and impending
social disintegration. But America remains resilient.
End of Chapter 5

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Continue
Introduction - "The Original Thirteenth Amendment Titles of Nobility and
Honour, An Essay"
Chapter 1 -The Prohibition of Titles of Nobility and Honour
Chapter 2 - Ratification 1810-1820
Chapter 3 - Philadelphia Lawyers and a Mock Nobility
Chapter 4 - Panic, War & Opium
Chapter 5 - One Hundred Years of Pain
Chapter 6 - The Secret Armies
Table of Ratification and Publications
Addenda - Dyett vs Turner - The Anti-Slavery Amendment and The Flawed
Fourteenth Citizenship Amendment

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