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From: "Euphorian" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [ctrl] Interventionism = Terrorism Increases?
Date: Sunday, January 13, 2002 4:29 PM

>From
1 - http://members.aol.com/apollo711/war/cataclysmic_terror.html
2 - http://www.cato.org/pubs/fpbriefs/fpb-050es.html

>>>Note the dates on these articles<<<

1}}}>Begin
Is Cataclysmic Terrorism Ahead?

By Patrick J. Buchanan

January 12, 1999

   On the day after Pearl Harbor, ex-President Herbert Hoover sat
down and wrote to friends "You and I know that this continuous
putting pins in rattlesnakes finally got this country bitten."
Japan's sneak attack was one of the great acts of state terror, but
its motive was desperation. The United States had cut off Japan's oil
and sent Tokyo an ultimatum: Withdraw from Indochina and China, or we
bring you to your knees. Japan decided to seize the oil of the East
Indies and eliminate the one force that could stop her: the U.S.
fleet.

Yet, after we crushed Japan, China fell to Mao and Indochina to Ho
Chi Minh and the Khmer Rouge. Had we never intervened in East Asia,
Japanese, not Americans, would likely have done the fighting and
dying in Korea and Vietnam to contain Asian communism.

What calls to mind the phrase "putting pins in rattlesnakes" is an
unsettling paper by the Cato Institute's Ivan Eland: "Does U.S.
Intervention Overseas Breed Terrorism? The Historical Record."
Eland's argument: Americans are the principal targets of terrorists
because of our constant meddling in foreign wars. If we do not
abandon our compulsive interventionism, we will one day be subjected
to an act of cataclysmic terror, with a weapon of mass destruction,
perhaps nuclear.

Already, we have come close. The World Trade Center bomb was designed
to bring down one of those 110-story towers and kill perhaps 50,000
Americans. Had the terrorists used poison gas, they might have killed
more than the 3,000 who died at Pearl Harbor. And Osama Bin Laden,
the rich, U.S.-hating Saudi terrorist reportedly has long been in the
market for a nuclear weapon.

Eland's empirical evidence linking U.S. military interventions to
retaliatory acts of terrorism is impressive. Consider:

U.S. Marines were sent into Lebanon to bolster a Christian regime in
1983. Result: Islamic terrorists bombed our embassy and Marine
barracks, killing hundreds, and Ronald Reagan withdrew the Marines.

Before 1981, Libya's Col. Qaddafi had not targeted Americans. But
Reagan sent U.S. ships and planes across his "line of death" in the
Gulf of Sidra, shot down his jets and sank his patrol boats. Result:
Qaddafi blew up La Belle nightclub in Berlin, wounding dozens of GIs.
Reagan answered with air strikes. Qaddafi retaliated with eight acts
of terrorism, by Eland's count, the most horrific being the downing
of Pan Am 103.

In 1992, George Bush intervened in Somalia. Bin Laden trained the
terrorists who lured U.S. Rangers into a trap, killed 18 and dragged
the body of one through Mogadishu. Bill Clinton pulled out. Bin Laden
calls Somalia his greatest victory and is believed to have planned
the 1998 bombings of our embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. What
motivates him? Hatred of America because of our huge military
presence on Islam's sacred soil of Saudi Arabia.

Robert Kennedy was murdered by a West Bank Palestinian. George Bush
was targeted for assassination by Iraqis. Filipino terrorists used to
attack Americans until we withdrew from Subic Bay and Clark Air Force
Base. Now, they don't.

The seizure of the U.S. embassy in Tehran and other acts of state
terror by the mullahs stem from U.S. military support of the shah
until 1979. Today, there is a near-identical U.S. presence in Egypt
and Saudi Arabia. Both regimes are despised by many of their own
people, and Americans have been targets of terrorist attacks in both.

America is the only nation on Earth to claim a right to intervene
militarily in every region of the world. But this foreign policy is
not America's tradition; it is an aberration. During our first 150
years, we renounced interventionism and threatened war on any foreign
power that dared to intervene in our hemisphere. Can we, of all
people, not understand why foreigners bitterly resent our intrusions?

With the Cold War over, why invite terrorist attacks on our citizens
and country, ultimately with biological, chemical or nuclear weapons?
No nation threatens us. But with the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, America will inevitably be targeted. And the cataclysmic
terror weapon is more likely to come by Ryder truck or container ship
than by ICBM. And no SDI will stop it.

Madeleine Albright describes terrorism as "the biggest threat to our
country . . . as we enter the 21st century." But battling terrorism
must go beyond discovering and disrupting it before it happens and
deterring it with retaliation. We need to remove the motivation for
it by extricating the United States from ethnic, religious and
historical quarrels that are not ours and which we cannot resolve
with any finality.

End<{{{

2}}}>Begin
Cato Foreign Policy Briefing No. 50
December 17, 1998

DOES U.S. INTERVENTION OVERSEAS
BREED TERRORISM?
The Historical Record

by Ivan Eland

Ivan Eland is director of defense policy studies at the Cato
Institute.

Executive Summary

According to Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, terrorism is the
most important threat the United States and the world face as the
21st century begins. High-level U.S. officials have acknowledged that
terrorists are now more likely to be able to obtain and use nuclear,
chemical, and biological weapons than ever before.

Yet most attention has been focused on combating terrorism by
deterring and disrupting it beforehand and retaliating against it
after the fact. Less attention has been paid to what motivates
terrorists to launch attacks. According to the Pentagon's Defense
Science Board, a strong correlation exists between U.S. involvement
in international situations and an increase in terrorist attacks
against the United States. President Clinton has also acknowledged
that link. The board, however, has provided no empirical data to
support its conclusion. This paper fills that gap by citing many
examples of terrorist attacks on the United States in retaliation for
U.S. intervention overseas. The numerous incidents cataloged suggest
that the United States could reduce the chances of such devastating--
and potentially catastrophic--terrorist attacks by adopting a policy
of military restraint overseas.

http://www.cato.org/pubs/fpbriefs/fpb50.pdf
End<{{{
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