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Peace at any cost is a prelude to war!

China will retaliate if trade status fails
By Carter Dougherty
THE WASHINGTON TIMES


     Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhu Bangzao Thursday signaled in
Beijing that American firms will be hit hard if Congress does not extend
unconditional and permanent normal trade relations (NTR) to China.
     "If this issue cannot be thoroughly resolved, it will be detrimental to
the interest of U.S. enterprises in China," Mr. Zhu said.
     The threats directed at American businesses highlighted the unusual
political dynamic in the debate over NTR. The Chinese government has made
little effort to be heard in Washington.
     Instead, the American business community, along with the Clinton
administration, is doing the heavy lifting. Given the prize at stake —access
to a market of 1.2 billion people — business needs little prodding, but the
Chinese government does let U.S. companies know their lobbying services are
appreciated.
     President Clinton formally kicked off the administration's campaign to
secure permanent NTR for China in a major policy address on Tuesday. The
White House wants Congress to abolish the annual review of China's NTR
status, a move that would allow the United States to support Chinese
membership in the World Trade Organization under the terms of a November
agreement.
     By most estimates, U.S. companies are plowing $10 million into the
campaign, and just this week, the Business Roundtable, the leading industry
group on trade policy, announced a $1.5 million advertising campaign in
support of NTR.
     "The bulk of the effort [to secure NTR] has always been undertaken by
the companies that do business in China," said Nicholas Lardy, a specialist
on China at the Brook-ings Institution.
     The Chinese have shown little appreciation for the role that Congress
plays in formulating U.S. foreign policy, Mr. Lardy said. The congressional
relations department in the Chinese Embassy has typically been "short on
staff and talent," he said.
     However, Chinese outreach efforts on Capitol Hill have steadily
increased in recent years, according to congressional and industry sources.
About five years ago, the Chinese beefed up their congressional relations
department.
     "There are more and more issues in Sino-American relations that need
discussion," said Shuning Yu, spokesman for the Chinese Embassy.
     But China makes little, if any, use of the typical tools of foreign
governments that want their views known in Washington, according to those
familiar with Sino-American relations. China retains the services of at least
two Washington law firms, but their work for the Chinese is limited to
technical advice, according to lawyers managing the accounts.
     "They don't send us up to the Hill to lobby for them," said Brenda
Jacobs of Powell, Goldstein, Frazier and Murphy. Ms. Jacobs is part of a team
that advises the Chinese commercial office, an entity physically separate
from the embassy, on textile trade issues.
     The law firm of Jones, Day, Reavis and Pogue also does advisory work for
the Chinese government, according to Herbert Hansell, who manages the account.
     The muted Chinese presence in Washington stands in stark contrast to
that of the Taiwanese, who employ a small army of public relations firms to
make their case for close relations with the United States, Mr. Lardy said.
     There are few complaints that the Chinese are not more active, since the
presence of Chinese diplomats in the halls of Congress can hurt causes more
than help them, business sources said.
     "The hard-core lobbying on [permanent NTR for China] is not up to the
Chinese, it's up to the administration and the American business community,"
said Myron Brilliant of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
     Apart from public statements such as those by Mr. Zhu Thursday, Chinese
officials tend to push U.S. firms in a subtle but unmistakable manner,
according to industry sources.
     One lobbyist compared the Chinese behavior to the White House. By law,
executive branch officials cannot ask business to lobby Congress. But by
emphasizing the importance they place on an issue, administration officials
can send a clear signal to even the most politically tone-deaf lobbyist.
     The Chinese work in a similar manner, business representatives said. For
example, in early 1995, then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich, Georgia Republican,
publicly deviated from the strict "One China" policy.
     This policy, a staple of Sino-American relations, dictates that the
United States will recognize only mainland China as the true representative
of the Chinese people. China has consistently threatened the United States
against any deviation from this policy.
     Following Mr. Gingrich's remarks, "the seriousness of the issue was
conveyed to the business community" by Chinese officials, one lobbyist said.
     Business representatives, along with his staff and former Secretary of
State Henry Kissinger, subsequently urged Mr. Gingrich to clarify his
remarks, which he did.
     Though cases of foreign government pressure on U.S. businesses get
little attention, industry sources said other countries employ similar
tactics.
     But even U.S. business is not an unconditional backer of policies that
might please the Chinese government. What is good for China, American firms
seldom fail to forget, is not necessarily good for their business in China.
     Even before the World Trade Organization came into existence on Jan. 1,
1995, American businesses took a hard line in favor of WTO membership for
China, but only on a basis that would lead to new opportunities in China,
industry lobbyists point out.
     The distinction is not academic. Through 1997, China mounted a concerted
effort to get into the WTO without substantially opening its market to
foreign competition, observers of Sino-American relations point out.
     The business-backed U.S. position that China's WTO membership had to be
"on a commercially acceptable basis" won substantial concessions with the
Chinese last year, lobbyists point out.
     "The Chinese are potential competitors, and we wanted access to their
market," said Joel Johnson, who handles trade policy for the Aerospace
Industries Association. "We could not afford to go weak."





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